Spanish ship ‘Elcano’ drops anchor in Eastern Samar

Spanish Ship Sails to the Philippines As it Retraces Magellan and Elcano’s Route

The ship will dock in Guiuan, Homonhon, Cebu, and Suluan.

A Spanish ship powered by the wind will sail to the Philippines as it retraces the circumnavigation route of Ferdinand Magellan and Juan Sebastian Elcano. Currently, it is docked in Guam, where Magellan stopped in March 1521, a month before his death. The Elcano will sail to the Philippines just in time for the 500th anniversary of Magellan’s Mactan landing.

The ship is named Juan Sebastian Elcano, after the famous explorer who completed Magellan’s circumnavigation of the world. The Elcano itself is a historic ship, having been built in 1928. It is a four-masted brig-schooner that measures 113 meters long. It was received at Naval Base Guam on Friday.

The Juan Sebastian Elcano Ship

Spanish Sailors Aboard the Elcano Ship

According to the Spanish Embassy in Manila, the Elcano will dock in the town of Guiuan in Eastern Samar on March 16, where Magellan’s ship also stopped 500 years ago. It will also make port calls in Suluan and Homonhon through March 18. Finally, it will dock in Cebu and stay there for a goodwill visit from March 20 to 22.

Guian, Suluan, Homonhon, and Cebu represent the first visual contacts made by Spain with the Philippines, which is a significant part of this expedition.

The Spanish Embassy in Manila compared the circumnavigation to today’s most praised scientific discoveries.

“The journey was a historical leap forward and a technical challenge for that time. Initially, five ships and 238 men departed Spain as part of the expedition and only 18 men and one ship made it back three years later,” the Embassy said in a statement.

After its Philippine stops, the Elcano will sail westward and retrace Spain’s circumnavigation voyage from the Philippines to the Moluccas, around Africa, and back to Europe.

The reenactment of the voyage is being kept as faithful as possible to the original routes taken by Magellan and Elcano. The crew will likely experience similar weather patterns documented by the crew and the expedition’s chronicler, Antonio Pigafetta.

 

Original Article from Prehispanic CEBU:

https://prehispaniccebu.wordpress.com/2020/11/02/surat-bisaya/?fbclid=IwAR0c3WbOE-USQB3V4Yy7paNkvV_qzKa-LyzrzOVYi1gaFFhlrSd9_bN4u5Y

BUTUAN CITY, Agusan del Norte, Philippines — On Dec. 17 last year, two wooden boats docked at the port of nearby Nasipit town, in Agusan del Norte province, the modern gateway for goods and people in the Caraga region. They had earlier sailed from Palawan to Cebu in time for the launching of a 500-day countdown to the 500th anniversary of the Battle of Mactan next year.

The 18-meter and 21-meter boats are replicas of the “balangay,” a vessel used by mariners of an ancient civilization that developed along the mighty Agusan River during the third century. These balangay are navigated through the way of ancient mariners by relying on the position of the sun and stars, wind direction, cloud formations, wave patterns and bird flights.

 

Tapping the traditional navigational methods would, in a way, “resurrect the seafaring spirit of our forefathers,” leading people to appreciate “what [they were] are capable of doing, … as adventurous seafarers and discoverers,” said Arturo Valdez, who led the crew.

 

 

The boats do not have modern navigational aids and are only equipped with small engines for use in case of emergency.“Now I am back here in Butuan City, the home of the balangay, hopefully to stir the conscience and revive the pride, and remind everyone here that the balangay is a Butuan boat, and that Butuan is the balangay,” Valdez said.

In 2006, Valdez organized the conquest by Filipino climbers of Mt. Everest.

 

To honor their arrival in Butuan, the city government hosted a welcome ceremony for Valdez and his crew.

Glorious past

The balangay, Valdez said, indicated that Butuan was once a center of trade and commerce in this part of the world, long before the arrival of the Spaniards.

Italian chronicler Antonio Pigafetta mentioned about the vessel in his accounts of Ferdinand Magellan’s voyage in the 1500s.

Historians have pointed out that jars found in an archaeological site in Butuan indicated that the city had trading ties with old kingdoms in its immediate neighborhood of Southeast Asia and China, and as far as Persia, now Iran.

“We have a boat that precedes even the Viking ships,” said Valdez, who has been using the balangay voyages since 2009 to talk about the Philippines’ precolonial past and drum up pride in it.

 

 

Archaeological excavations in Butuan City unearthed a skull and coffin, dating back to the 14th century, several meters from where an ancient balangay was found. Pottery shards were also recovered from a balangay in 2012.

The oldest balangay unearthed in Barangay Libertad in Butuan dates back to 320 AD. Other finds were dated around 900 AD and 1250 AD.

Treasure hunters discovered the ancient boats in 1976. Experts from the National Museum counted nine vessels, but in 2012, more diggings in the area yielded the tenth.

The boats have been declared national cultural treasures under Proclamation No. 86, issued by then President Corazon Aquino in March 1987.So far, remnants of three boats had been dug. A more complete boat is on display at the Maritime Hall of the National Museum in Manila while another is at a National Museum site in Libertad.

Replica

Excavations stopped in 2014 as funding ran short and access problems cropped up as the site sits on private property.

Efforts to revive the balangay legacy came when the three replicas were built starting 2009. The boats set off on a voyage, with Valdez leading the crew that used the traditional navigation methods.

Valdez tapped the centuries-old boat-building knowledge of the Sama people of Tawi-Tawi to build the balangay replicas. He sought permission from the Department of Environment and Natural Resources to harvest local hardwood species, like red “lawaan,” apitong and “yakal,” to build the boats.

UNEARTHING HISTORY A technician of the National Museum cleans parts of a wooden plank of a “balangay” during an archaeological excavation in Butuan City eight years ago.

Work on one boat, named “Diwata ng Lahi,” was done at the Cultural Center of the Philippines complex next to Manila Bay while two — “Masawa Hong Butuan” and “Sama Tawi-Tawi” — were done in Butuan.

Diwata ng Lahi’s first voyage was on Sept. 1, 2009, sailing from Manila to Butuan and passing by 54 ports. On Feb. 4, 2010, Masawa Hong Butuan joined Diwata ng Lahi in a voyage to Zamboanga City and on to Sulu where the third boat, Sama Tawi-Tawi, caught up with them from Butuan.

By September that year, all three boats journeyed to Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Cambodia, Thailand and Singapore, and back to the Philippines. 

After the voyage, the Diwata ng Lahi was loaned to the National Museum as a cultural exhibit. So was the Masawa Hong Butuan in Butuan.

Two more balangay were built in 2016 for a journey to commemorate the 600th year since the 1417 voyage of Sulu Sultan Paduka Pahala, popularly known as Sultan Paduka Batara, from Maimbung, Sulu, to Dezhou, a city in China’s Shandong province.

For the 500th anniversary of the Battle of Mactan next year, the two replicas were named Raya Siyagu and Raya Kolambu in honor of the kings of Mazaua and Butuan, respectively.

More support

The building of the replicas has always been a private initiative. The first three boats were the fruits of collaboration among the TAO Community of Companies, Butuan Global Forum (BGF) and Kaya ng Pinoy Inc. Sulu Gov. Sakur Tan donated the wood materials, while private donors gave cash.

Today, the Sama Tawi-Tawi is docked in Palawan province, needing repairs.

Valdez and Jody Navarra of BGF cited the need for more support for the maintenance of the balangay as a way of continually reminding Filipinos of their rich history.

LOCAL TREASURE Remnants of the “balangay,” dated 320 AD, are on display at a National Museum site in Butuan’s Barangay Libertad. —PHOTOS BY ERWIN MASCARIÑAS

Agusan del Norte Rep. Lawrence Fortun, who is pushing for the declaration of balangay as the country’s national boat, said the government should take a big part in funding the initiatives. He also hoped to have the private estate in Libertad declared a national historical site so that full development could be undertaken, and to hasten the settlement of ownership over the land.

Butuan Mayor Ronnie Vicente Lagnada promised to keep the balangay legacy alive by building more replicas. Tours along the Agusan River using the balangay are already being planned, he said.

“It’s been more than a decade … I think it is time to pass on the torch and I think there is no other better place to pass this on than to the people of Butuan, to the home of the balangay,” Valdez said.

 

 

 

 

Archaeological excavations in Butuan City unearthed a skull and coffin, dating back to the 14th century, several meters from where an ancient balangay was found. Pottery shards were also recovered from a balangay in 2012.

 

UNEARTHING HISTORY A technician of the National Museum cleans parts of a wooden plank of a “balangay” during an archaeological excavation in Butuan City eight years ago.

 

LOCAL TREASURE Remnants of the “balangay,” dated 320 AD, are on display at a National Museum site in Butuan’s Barangay Libertad. —PHOTOS BY ERWIN MASCARIÑAS

 

Original Article:

https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/1229287/keeping-balangay-legacy-alive?fbclid=IwAR1YggQXamckrHH40aFpZ0VxXZHUG53bmshIovcMwfycyVx1PrjbfsB_QWs&__cf_chl_captcha_tk__=c30e204c50e1ac76a137a385c13b422fe9de2256-1596233840-0-AXuOWxa3-3ruXH2IPDD24YANNzCanQGpoK6fNNdFBHNfjU-PVwFNZ6-XQAJR8TMflwId2ku4aZyPfcg5xHqjDb-IfMICNJLdsNVbwKf369M-8dE0Bw5N8jSQdAyvE0Nt7WTsOD4NWi_m8tq0ExPvIjq0u5s0a-dHEa4YTLgrF_bZh11kxLRb05xUXaODm336lVz9ACwvKVdCqUZoAgeoW0MnMHRfrBKqnXjxGcO-n_ohCNDK6-oJrZ-RfOJpSgpPSkAVooWJzx1VBQpaC6vk1ICLbbkMrpqRq_dtiPMO2IN30_9IJGUaFt8M7JzapYMb4WwRZJGz3eKHyeXa5NU3Cr82xktRJFY4pXZl-teojsjm8qWs5C3sqi4CrYoDzIUhE4RsoV10DlBjQDnuSDusVmpfXivdiEhnpm_bRAGOnMge2qWqunCdPejM-mJLvgd-vBsNGf1MTUmVDT-IM4GU5lPZsqdaZoILTRLjyNSrF0WmJpwB1tL3cOP-fEXDFER1eBiemr7WPpTpVtuC7uzrrlDi-dTkGJ01C3LM9KTdDqjhzyc6Rs5Jrz2mThIub6eks4iU9pBh3w2ko4DCdTqRiWAmMzbJKdcKEvx_-mRZZqbxbp2KsSM5-qQp3fThYZ_-jFSeVYIt5VAMqK1Yy5hYxxo

Staff: (to which Apolinario Querubin’s Guerilla 4 belonged) seated L to R: Captain Yldefonso Villareal, Brig. Gen. Benito Natividad, Brig. Gen. Manuel Tinio, Lt. Col. Joaquin Alejandrino and Maj. Joaquin Buencamino(son of Felipe Buencamino, a minister in the Aguinaldo cabinet); Standing L to R: 2lt. Francisco Natividad and two unidentified officers; Seated: the 15 year-old officer 2Lt. Pastor Alejandrino.

———

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manuel_Tinio

Manuel Tinio y Bundoc (June 17, 1877 – February 22, 1924) was the youngest General^[2] of the Philippine Revolutionary Army, and was elected Governor^[3] of the Province of Nueva Ecija, Republic of the Philippines in 1907. He is one of the three Fathers of the Cry of Nueva Ecija along with Pantaleon Valmonte and Mariano Llanera.

Manuel Tinio, then 18 years old, joined the Katipunan in April 1896. By August he had organized a company composed of friends, relatives and tenants. Personally leading his group of teenaged guerillas, he conducted raids and depredations against Spanish detachments and patrols in Nueva Ecija. Occasionally, he joined up with similar forces under other youthful leaders.

An Early flag of the Katipunan.

On September 2, 1896, Manuel Tinio and his men joined the combined forces of Mariano Llanera and Pantaleon Belmonte, capitanes municipales or mayors of Cabiao and Gapan, respectively, in the attack on San Isidro. Of 3,000 who volunteered, 500 determined men were chosen for the attack. Led by a bamboo orchestra or musikong bumbong of Cabiao, the force came in two separate columns from Cabiao and Gapan City and converged in Sitio Pulu, 5 km. from San Isidro. Despite the fact that they had only 100 rifles, they furiously fought the Spaniards holed up in the Casa Tribunal, the arsenal, other government buildings and in the houses of Spanish residents. Capt. Joaquin Machorro, commander of the Guardias Civiles, was killed on the first day of battle. According to Julio Tinio, Manuel’s cousin and a participant in the battle, Manuel had a conference in the arsenal with Antonio Luna and Eduardo Llanera, the general’s son, immediately after the battle.

The Spanish authorities hastily organized a company of 200 civilian Spaniards and mercenaries the following day and attacked the overconfident insurgents, driving the besiegers away from the government center. The next day more Spanish reinforcements arrived from Peñaranda, forcing the poorly armed rebels to retreat, leaving behind 60 dead. The Spaniards went in hot pursuit of the insurgents, forcing those from Cabiao to flee to Candaba, Pampanga, and those from Gapan to hide in San Miguel de Mayumo in Bulacan. The insurgents from San Isidro fled across the river to hide in Jaen. The relatives of those who were recognized were driven away from their homes by the colonial authorities. Manuel Tinio and his troop stayed to protect the mass of people from Calaba, San Isidro, who were all his kinfolk, hastening across the river to Jaen, Nueva Ecija.

The Spaniards’ relentless pursuit of the rebels forced them to disband and go into hiding until January 1897. Tinio was a special target. At 5 feet 7 inches (170 cm) tall, he literally stood out among the attackers, whose average height was below 5 feet (150 cm). He fled to Licab. A platoon of cazadores (footsoldiers) was sent to arrest him, forcing Hilario Tinio Yango, his first cousin and the Capitan Municipal of the town, to lead them to him. Warned of the approaching soldiers, Manuel again escaped and fled on foot back to San Isidro, where, in the barrios of Calaba, Alua and Sto. Cristo, he hid with relatives in their various farms beside the Rio Gapan (now known as the Peñaranda River). Fear of arrest compelled him to be forever on the move. He never slept in the same place. Later on, he would attribute his ill health in his middle age to the privations he endured during those months of living exposed to the elements.

The passionate rebels reorganized their forces the moment Spanish pursuit died down. Tinio and his men marched with Gen. Llanera in his sorties against the Spaniards. Llanera eventually made Tinio a Captain.

The aggressive exploits of the teen-aged Manuel Tinio reached the ears of General Emilio Aguinaldo, whose forces were being driven out of Cavite and Laguna, Philippines. He evacuated to Mount Puray in Montalban, Rizal and called for an assembly of patriots in June 1897. In that assembly, Aguinaldo appointed Mamerto Natividad, Jr. as commanding general of the revolutionary army and Mariano Llanera as vice-commander with the rank of Lt.-General. Manuel Tinio was commissioned a Colonel and served under Gen. Natividad.

The constant pressure from the army of Gov. Gen. Primo de Rivera drove Aguinaldo to Central Luzon. In August, Gen. Aguinaldo decided to move his force of 500 men to the caves of Biac-na-Bato in San Miguel, Bulacan because the area was easier to defend. There, his forces joined up with those of Gen. Llanera. With the help of Pedro Paterno, a prominent Philippines lawyer, Aguinaldo began negotiating a truce with the Spanish government in exchange for reforms, an indemnity, and safe conduct.

On August 27, 1897, Gen. Mamerto Natividad and Col. Manuel Tinio conducted raids in Carmen, Zaragoza and Peñaranda, Nueva Ecija. Three days later, on the 30th, they stormed and captured Santor (now Bongabon) with the help of the townspeople. They stayed in that town till September 3.

On September 4, with the principal objective of acquiring provisions lacking in Biac-na-Bato, Gen. Natividad and Col. Manuel Tinio united their forces with those of Col. Casimiro Tinio, Gen. Pío del Pilar, Col. Jose Paua and Eduardo Llanera for a dawn attack on Aliaga. (Casimiro Tinio, popularly known as ‘Capitan Berong’, was an elder brother of Manuel through his father’s first marriage.)

Thus began the Battle of Aliaga, considered one of the most glorious battles of the rebellion. The rebel forces took the church and convent, the Casa Tribunal and other government buildings. The commander of the Spanish detachment died in the first moments of fighting, while those who survived were locked up in the thick-walled jail. The rebels then proceeded to entrench themselves and fortify several houses. The following day, Sunday the 5th, the church and convent as well as a group of houses were put to the torch due to exigencies of defense.

Spanish Governor General Primo de Rivera fielded 8,000 Spanish troops under the commands of Gen. Ricardo Monet and Gen. Nuñez in an effort to recapture the town. A column of reinforcements under the latter’s command arrived in the afternoon of September 6. They were met with such a tremendous hail of bullets that the general, two captains and many soldiers were wounded, forcing the Spaniards to retreat a kilometer away from the town to await the arrival of Gen. Monet and his men. Even with the reinforcements, the Spaniards were overly cautious in attacking the insurgents. When they did so the next day, they found the town already abandoned by the rebels who had gone back to Biac-na-Bato. Filipino casualties numbered 8 dead and 10 wounded.

Gen. Natividad and Col. Manuel Tinio shifted to guerrilla warfare. The following October with full force they attacked San Rafael, Bulacan to get much-needed provisions for Biac-na-Bato. The battle lasted several days and, after getting what they came for, they left a detachment in Bo. Kaingin to hold back the Spanish reinforcements from Baliwag, Bulacan. To divert Spanish forces from Nueva Ecija, Natividad and Tinio attacked Tayug, Pangasinan on Oct. 4, 1897, occupying the church in the heart of the poblacion.

Meanwhile, peace negotiations continued and in October Aguinaldo gathered together his generals to convene a constitutional assembly. On Nov. 1, 1897 the Constitution was unanimously approved and on that day the Biac-na-Bato Republic was established.

However, Gen. Natividad, who believed in the revolution, opposed the peace negotiations and continued to fight indefatigably from Biac-na-Bato. On Nov. 9, while leading a force of 200 men with Gen. Pío del Pilar and Col. Ignacio Paua, Natividad was killed in action in Entablado, Cabiao. Col. Manuel Tinio brought the corpse back to the general’s grieving wife in Biac-na-Bato. (Incidentally, Gen. Natividad’s widow, Trinidad, was the daughter of Casimiro Tinio–”Capitan Berong”.) With the death of the army’s commanding general, Col. Manuel Tinio was commissioned Brigadier General and designated as commanding general of operations on Nov. 20, 1897. Gen. Tinio, all of 20 years, became the youngest general of the Philippine Revolutionary Army. (Gregorio del Pilar, already 22, was only a Lt. Colonel at that time.)

On Dec. 20, 1897, the Pact of the Biac-na-Bato was ratified by the Assembly of Representatives. In accordance with the terms of the peace pact, Aguinaldo went to Sual, Pangasinan, where he and 26 members of the revolutionary government boarded a steamer to go into voluntary exile in Hongkong. The Novo-Ecijanos in the group were Manuel Tinio, Mariano and Eduardo Llanera, Benito and Joaquin Natividad, all signatories of the Constitution.

In Hongkong, the exiles agreed among themselves to live as a community and spend only the interest of the initial P400,000 the Spanish Government had paid in accordance with the Pact of the Biac-na-Bato. The principal was to be used for the purchase of arms for the continuation of the revolution at a future time. The Artacho faction, however, wanted to divide the funds of the Revolution among themselves. The Novo-Ecijanos did not vote with the opportunist Artacho ‘faction’, and, being relatively well off, thanks to a relative who provided them with funds (Trinidad Tinio vda. de Natividad), “they got a house where they lived like a republic”, as they said.

Would history have been different if the Spanish authorities had not reneged on the terms of the Pact and withheld the amount of P900,000 which was supposed to have been divided among non-combatants who had suffered in the fighting? Thus shortchanged, considering themselves no longer honor bound to lay down arms, the revolutionists rose again. Once again fighting broke out all over Luzon. In Nueva Ecija, the rebels captured the towns again one by one.

But American intervention was on the way. As early as February 1898 an American naval squadron had steamed into Manila Bay. On May 1, less than a week after the declaration of the Spanish–American War, the American naval squadron completely destroyed the Spanish fleet. Admiral Dewey of the United States of America immediately dispatched the revenue cutter “McCulloch” to Hongkong to fetch Aguinaldo, who returned to the Philippines on May 19. On May 21 Aguinaldo issued a proclamation asking the nation to rally behind him in a second attempt to obtain independence. Revolutionary leaders promptly stepped up their raids and ambuscades on Spanish garrisons in Central Luzon, capturing more than 5,000 prisoners. By the end of May, the whole of central and southern Luzon, except Manila, was practically in Filipino hands. Aguinaldo promptly established a Dictatorial Government on May 24, with himself as Supremo (supreme commander) and proclaimed Philippine Independence on June 12, 1898. Apolinario Mabini, however, prevailed upon Aguinaldo to decree the establishment of a Revolutionary Government on June 23.

Manuel Tinio and the rest of the revolutionists in Hongkong sailed for Cavite on June 6 on board the 60-ton contraband boat “Kwan Hoi” to join their Filipino leader. Upon his arrival in Cavite, Tinio was instructed to organize an expeditionary force to wrest the Ilocano provinces from Spanish hands. Thus would start the thrust into the North and its conquest by Novo-Ecijano General Manuel Tinio. First, he retrieved from Hagonoy, Bulacan 300 Mauser and Remington rifles that had been captured from the Spaniards and stored in that town. He then took the steamer to San Isidro, Nueva Ecija. Upon his arrival on June 13 he immediately set up 3 companies of 108 men each under the commands of Captains Joaquin Alejandrino, Jose Tombo and 1st Lt. Joaquin Natividad who was given overall command. All the officers were Novo-Ecijanos, except for Celerino Mangahas who hailed from Paombong, Bulacan.

On July 7, 1898 Aguinaldo reorganized the provincial government of Nueva Ecija and appointed Felino Cajucom as governor. The province was divided into four military zones:

• Zone 1 under Gen. Mariano Llanera with Gen. Tinio as deputy covered the towns of San Isidro, San Antonio, Jaén, Gapan and Peñaranda;
• Zone 2 under Pablo Padilla and Angelo San Pedro covered the towns of Cabanatuan, San Leonardo, Sta. Rosa, Sto. Domingo and Talavera;
• Zone 3 under Delfin Esquivel and Ambrosio Esteban covered the towns of Aliaga, Licab, Zaragoza, San Jose, San Juan de Guimba and Cuyapo;
• Zone 4 under Manuel Natividad and Francisco Nuñez covered the towns of Rosales, Nampicuan, Umingan, Balungao and San Quintin.

On June 19, Gen. Tinio and his men proceeded to Pangasinan to assist Gen. Makabulos in the siege of Dagupan which was the most important of the three Spanish strongholds in the North at that time, the others being Tarlac, Tarlac and San Fernando, La Union. Dagupan was held by the Spaniards under the command of Col. Federico J. Ceballos. In Dagupan, Gen. Tinio met the force of Lt. Col. Casimiro Tinio, composed of Captains Feliciano Ramoso and Pascual Tinio, Lt. Severo Ortega, several other officers, and 300 Novo-Ecijano soldiers. Gen. Makabulos, who had taken over the Central Luzon Command the previous April, was optimistic that he had the situation well in hand and allowed Gen. Tinio and the combined Novo-Ecijano troops at Dagupan to proceed northward to liberate Ilocos from the Spaniards. This Ilocos Expeditionary Force would become the nucleus of the future Tinio Brigade.

The Novo-Ecijano troops, now over 600 strong, reached San Fernando, on July 22, the day that Dagupan surrendered to Gen. Makabulos. They found the capital of La Union already besieged by revolutionists under the command of Gen. Mauro Ortiz. The Spaniards, under the command of Col. Jose Garcia Herrero, were entrenched in the convent, the Casa Tribunal and the provincial jail and were waiting for succour. Gen. Tinio wanted a ceasefire and sent for Col. Ceballos in Dagupan to mediate a peaceful capitulation of the San Fernando garrison. But despite news that the Spaniards had already surrendered Central Luzon to the Revolutionists and the pleadings of Col. Ceballos, the besieged Spaniards refused to capitulate. On the morning of the eighth day, July 31, Gen. Tinio ordered the assault of the convent from the adjoining church. At a cost of 5 lives and 3 wounded, Capt. Alejandrino’s company occupied the kitchen and cut the water supply in the aljibe or cistern under the azotea, the terrace beside the kitchen. At 4 p.m. a 4″-cannon taken from the gunboat “Callao” moored in the harbor was fired against the left side of the convent. The deafening blast frightened the Spaniards who immediately called for a ceasefire and flew the white flag. Alejandrino received the saber of Lt. Col. Herrero as a token of surrender. 400 men, 8 officers, 377 rifles, 3 cannons and P 12,000 in government silver were turned over. Upon seeing his captors, the Spanish commander wept in rage and humiliation, for many of the Filipino officers and men were but mere youths. Gen. Tinio himself had just turned 21 the previous month!

From San Fernando the Tinio Brigade and its prisoners marched on to Balaoan, where they met stubborn resistance from the enemy who were again entrenched in the convent. The siege lasted for five days, and, despite the support of the populace, resulted in the deaths of more than 70 Filipinos, mostly townspeople. Camilo Osías, a witness to the event, wrote in his memoirs that after the siege, the Balaoan katipuneros were inducted en masse into the ranks of the Tinio Brigade. Meanwhile, the company of Capt. Alejandrino, dispatched earlier by Gen. Tinio to reconnoiter and clear the neighboring commandancia or military district of Benguet, had met no opposition for the small force of cazadores in La Trinidad had fled to Bontoc upon learning of their approach. Alejandrino immediately turned back and rejoined Gen. Tinio.

From Balaoan, the rebels marched on to Bangar, the northernmost town of La Union, where they laid siege to the Spaniards holed up, again, in the convent. They won a victory on Aug. 7 after four days of fighting at a cost of 2 casualties. 87 Spaniards surrendered in Bangar.

The Tinio Brigade then crossed the mighty Amburayan River that divides the province of La Union from Ilocos Sur. The colonial force occupying the strategic heights on the opposite bank was the last obstacle to Tinio’s advance to Vigan. Tinio stormed their positions, causing the enemy to withdraw to Tagudin,^[5]:250 the first town of Ilocos Sur. There, the Spaniards consolidated all the available forces they could muster (1,500 men according to one source)^[5]:250 and prepared to make a stand in the convent and surrounding buildings. However, their spirited defense the first three days turned into a rout, when the native volunteers in the Spanish army deserted their units to fight with the rebels. The Brigade suffered no casualties in that siege. The Spaniards fled north, but were intercepted in Sta. Lucia, Ilocos Sur by Ilocano and Abra revolutionists under Gen. Isabelo Abaya.

The Tinio Brigade, now over 2,000 strong, marched northward and encountered the Ilocano patriots in Sabuanan, Sta. Lucia. The latter escorted them to Candon, whose inhabitants jubilantly received the conquerors.

There, Isabelo Abaya, a native of the place and the initiator of the revolution in Ilocos, was given a regular rank of Captain of Infantry in the Tinio Brigade.

On August 13, 1898, the same day that the Spaniards surrendered Intramuros to the Americans, Gen. Tinio entered Vigan, the capital of Ilocos Sur and the citadel of Spanish power in the North.^[5]:251 He found the capital already in rebel hands. Gov. Enrique Polo de Lara, newly appointed Spanish governor of both Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur, had fled to Laoag, the capital of Ilocos Norte, with all the resident Spaniards of Vigan. There he spent five days at the beach of Diriqui, loading the civilians and friars, including Bishop Campomanes, on boats which would hazard the rough weather for the journey to Aparri. He then ordered the troops under Col. Mariano Arques, district commander of the Civil Guards and Jefe de Linea in Ilocos, to take the coastal road to Aparri, Cagayan.

Upon his arrival in Vigan, Gen. Tinio had immediately launched a two-pronged movement to capture the Spaniards fleeing northward and those escaping into the interior.^[5]:251 He dispatched his brother, Casimiro, with a light cavalry column of 600 men to Ilocos Norte to pursue the fleeing enemy. Without encountering any opposition along the way, the Filipino column reached Laoag on August 17. They overtook some of the fleeing Spaniards at Bacarra, the next town, where, after exchanging a few token shots, more than 300 Spaniards surrendered. The Spaniards had heard of the humane treatment Gen. Tinio afforded prisoners and did not put up much of a fight.

Two companies were then dispatched to Bangui, the northernmost town of Ilocos Norte, and to Claveria, the first town in Cagayan. Capt. Vicente Salazar’s company pressed the northward pursuit with more tenacity, overtaking the enemy on the road to the Patapat Pass leading to Cagayan province. Right there and then, on August 22, Col. Arques and some 200 Spanish regulars, all tired and frustrated, surrendered almost willingly. In Patapat itself, the crack Regiment No. 70, composed of Ilocano and Visayan volunteers, stationed there to guard the pass, deserted their officers and joined the revolutionaries. The enemy was on the run, and even Aparri at the very end of Luzon was secured too by the detachment under the command of Col. Daniel Tirona.

Relentlessly, from Vigan, Capt. Alejandrino and 500 men, with Capt. Isabelo Abaya as guide, went to Bangued, Abra to track and capture the enemy who were retreating towards the rugged and mountainous interior towns of Cervantes, Lepanto and Bontoc. The Filipinos easily achieved their goal with only 3 casualties, the whole Ilocos and the Cordillera commandancias were now in Philippine hands.

Gen. Tinio is credited with capturing the most number of Spanish prisoners during the revolution, over 1.000 of them. The prisoners were brought to Vigan, their number later augmented by other prisoners sent over from the Cagayan Valley and Central Luzon during the last quarter of 1898. Gen. Tinio exercised both firmness and compassion in dealing with the prisoners. Fray Ulpiano Herrero y Sampedro, a Dominican who had been captured and sent over from Cavite, kept a journal of his 18-month imprisonment together with over a hundred other friars. He wrote that when they were imprisoned in Vigan, “Gen. Tinio wanted to improve the living conditions of the friar prisoners … sent us food, clothing, books, paper and writing implements.”

There was another group of prisoners. The revolucionarios’ anger against the friars extended even to their native mistresses, and these women were imprisoned in the girls’ school beside the Bishop’s Palace. Their properties were confiscated. One of the incarcerated women, a native of Sinait, had a 15-year-old daughter, Laureana Quijano, who pleaded with Gen. Tinio for her mother’s release and the restoration of their properties. The general, attracted to her beauty, forthwith acceded to her request, and then began to court her. Later, Laur, as she was called, also pleaded for the release of another prisoner, her mother’s first cousin, and introduced the daughter, Amelia Imperial Dancel. Again, the general gave in and released Amelia’s mother. Subsequently, Gen. Tinio also fell in love with Amelia.

Gen. Tinio set up his Command Headquarters in the Bishop’s Palace in Vigan. There he lived with 18 of his officers, all very young, mostly 16–20 years of age, the oldest being the 29-year-old Captain Pauil.

In accordance with Aguinaldo’s Dictatorial Decree of June 18, 1898 which set the guidelines for setting up a civil government in those towns liberated from the Spaniards, Gen. Tinio conducted elections for the whole region. First to be elected were the officials of each town. Under the revolutionary government, the mayor, instead of being called the capitan municipal, was now addressed as the presidente municipal. These mayors then elected the Provincial Governor and Board.

With the civil government in place, Gen. Tinio then reorganized the Tinio Brigade. The successful military exploits of the Brigada Tinio were heralded all over Luzon and attracted hundreds of volunteers. The Brigade swelled to over 3,400 men, with scores of officers and more than 1,000 non-commissioned officers and soldiers coming from Nueva Ecija. The rest consisted mostly of Ilocanos, Abreños, Igorots and Itnegs, with a few Bulakeños, Bicolanos and Visayans. There were also some Spaniards in the group.

The Brigade garrisoned the entire western portion of Northern Luzon which included the four genuine Ilocano provinces of Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Abra and La Union, and also the comandancias of Amburayan, Lepanto-Bontoc and Benguet. Gen. Tinio divided this territory into 3 zones, each under a military commander who commanded a regiment, as follows:

Zone 1 under Lt. Col. Casimiro Tinio covered La Union, Benguet and Amburayan;

Zone 2 under Lt. Col. Blas Villamor covered Southern Ilocos Sur from Tagudin to Bantay, Abra and Lepanto-Bontoc;

Zone 3 under Lt. Col. Irineo de Guzman covered Northern Ilocos Sur from Sto. Domingo to Sinait and Ilocos Norte.

Captains Vicente Salazar, Jose Tombo and Juan Villamor were the deputy commanders.

The establishment of the civil and military government in the Ilocos brought 15 months of peace in the region. The young general and his officers became social denizens sought after and regally entertained by the people. Being young, they caught the eyes of pretty señoritas of the best families in the region. The dashing Manuel Tinio, rich, handsome and a bachelor to boot, seized the moment with the many belles of Ilocandia. He was unforgettably charming and popular. In the 1950s, women reminiscing about their youth, and the Tinios, would look up and sigh, “how handsome they were.” A grandmother from Ilocos Norte living in Baguio City could still passionately say in the 1960s, “all the ladies in the province were in love with the general.” An old maid in Vigan proudly recalled in her twilight years of the 1970s the dashing general’s visits every Friday afternoon when she was 14.

With the Ilocos in stable condition, Gen. Tinio then went to Malolos to report to Gen. Aguinaldo and upon the request of Felipe Buencamino, Minister of Finance, turned over P120,000 that had been contributed by the citizens of Vigan. During his visit, everyone, particularly his fellow generals, admired and congratulated Gen. Tinio for having the largest and best-equipped army in the country!

In October 1898 Gen. Tinio received his appointment as Military Governor of the Ilocos provinces and Commanding General of all Filipino forces in Northern Luzon. His army was formally integrated as an armed unit of the Republic. Thus he became one of only four regional commanders in the Republican Army!

Upon his return to Vigan, Gen. Tinio marshalled his troops, all well equipped and completely in uniform. He assembled them in the town’s main Plaza and made them swear to defend the new Republic with their lives. The next month, on Nov. 11, 1898 Manuel Tinio was appointed Brigadier General of Infantry.

Group showing General Manuel Tinio (seated, center), General Benito Natividad (seated, 2nd from right), Lt. Col. Jose Alejandrino (seated, 2nd from left), and their aides-de-camp.

A shot fired at a Filipino in Sociego Street, Sta. Mesa District in the suburbs of Manila on February 4, 1899 triggered the Philippine–American War. (Contrary to popular belief that prevailed for over a century, the first shot of the Philippine–American War was not fired on San Juan bridge but on Sociego Street in Santa Mesa district, Manila. The Philippines’ National Historical Institute (NHI) recognized this fact through Board Resolution 7 Series of 2003. On Feb. 4, 2004 the marker on the bridge was removed and transferred to a site at the corner of Sociego and Silencio streets.) Soon after, when war with the Americans seemed imminent, Col. Casimiro Tinio and most of the Tagalog troops in the Tinio Brigade were sent back to Nueva Ecija. When the conflict became critical in Central Luzon, all the soldiers in the Brigade who had seen service in the Spanish army were ordered to report to the Luna Division.

The inactivity of the Tinio Brigade during the period of peace in the Ilocos region spawned problems. Boredom led to in-fighting among the soldiers and the perpetration of some abuses. Gen. Tinio adhered to his principles of discipline among his troops, even imprisoning Col. Estanislao de los Reyes, his personal aide-de-camp, who had slapped a fellow officer in an effort to rectify the situation, Tinio asked Gen. Aguinaldo for the assignment of his forces to the frontlines of the new battle at hand, but Aguinaldo paid no heed to Tinio’s request.

Ever keen in foresight and strategy, anticipating an invasion by the American aggressors, Gen. Tinio ordered the construction of 636 trenches, well designed and strategically placed for cross fire, to protect the principal roads and ports and to guard the entire coastline from Rosario, La Union to Cape Bojeador in Ilocos Norte.

At the start of the Philippine–American War, Gen. Tinio’s forces were 1,904 strong, with 68 officers, 200 sandatahanes or bolomen, 284 armorers, 37 medics, 22 telegraphers, 80 cavalrymen, 105 artillerymen and 2 Spanish engineers. (By April 1899, this would be reduced to 1,789 officers and men.)

On May 18, 1899, six months before his forces began battling the American invaders, he married Laureana Quijano.

On June 5, 1899 members of the Kawit Battalion assassinated Gen. Antonio Luna, the commanding general of the republican army. His death in Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija created a lot of antipathy against the Tagalogs, particularly in Ilocos Norte, where Luna hailed from. The Luna assassination, however, did not diminish the love and admiration of the Ilocanos for Gen. Tinio, who referred to the former as ‘my Ilocanos’. Luna’s death resulted in a cooling off in Tinio’s attitude towards Aguinaldo. Tinio, however, never failed to obey the orders of his superior and never made a comment on the deaths of Bonifacio or Luna. Whenever he was asked, he would shrug his shoulders and say, “answering the question would mean a betrayal of my superior.”

Less than two weeks later, on the occasion of his 22nd birthday, delegations from the entire region congregated in the capital to give him an asalto or dawn serenade in the main plaza of Vigan. One of the highlights of the day-long festivities, which included a royal feast and a grand ball, was the dedication of a birthday hymn specially written for him, set to music and sung by the populace.

Towards the end of June, Aguinaldo recalled Gen. Tinio by telegram and ordered him to help in the reorganization of the forces in Nueva Ecija. In his place, Brigadier Gen. Benito Natividad, recently promoted (at age 24) and on leave because of wounds sustained in the Battle of Calumpit, Bulacan, took over as temporary commander of the Ilocos provinces.

Gen. Tinio, seeing the handwriting on the wall, began taking private English lessons from David Arnold, an American captive who had come over to the Filipino side. In anticipation of the coming of the Americans, he began the construction of a formidable bank of defenses in Tangadan Pass between Narvacan, Ilocos Sur and Bangued, Abra.

Late in September, Gen. Tinio and his northern army were finally called to the front line to guard the beaches of Pangasinan and La Union. The Brigade was diminished in size when Gen. Tinio marched with his general staff and several battalions to Bayambang, Pangasinan to cover President Aguinaldo’s retreat while the others were sent to Zambales under Col. Alejandrino.

Gen. Benito Natividad stayed behind as post commander in Vigan with some officers and 50 riflemen, 20 others in Bangued and a few others scattered in neighboring towns. They were the only armed forces that guarded the whole Ilocos region! At that time, there were 4,000 Spanish prisoners of war (including 1 general) and 26 Americans being held in Vigan, Bangued and Laoag, where the military hospitals were located. More than half of the prisoners had been sent from Central Luzon at the height of the hostilities. Despite their great number, the prisoners did not rise up against their guards, because, on instructions of Gen. Tinio, they were well fed and nicely treated. As early as June, American prisoners had begun arriving from the battlefields of Central Luzon. Among them were Navy Lt. Gillmore and the war correspondent Albert Sonnichsen.^{[5]:382–383} Gen. Tinio’s humane treatment of prisoners was legendary. Sonnichsen wrote:

“. . while in Vigan, Tinio learned that the captive friars were living well on money sent from Manila, while the poor Cazadores were obliged to subsist on their meager rations (as prisoners of war). Before they could hide it, the young Tagalog had their money seized and, having all the soldier prisoners assembled in the plaza, he divided the pesos of the friars equally among them, the Cazadores cheering the Tagalog General lustily.”^[5]:252

Having abandoned his last capital in Tarlac, Tarlac, Pres. Aguinaldo decided to retreat to the north and went to Bayambang, Pangasinan. Unknown to him, the Americans had planned a pincer-like movement in the overall battle plan to cut off his northward escape route and capture him.

On November 7, the Americans bombarded San Fabian, Pangasinan and the 33rd Infantry landed, including a battalion commanded by Col. Luther R. Hare, an old cavalryman who had served 25 years before under Gen. Custer.^[6]:138 But on Nov. 11, on their way to San Jacinto, the next town, the invaders came across the entrenched forces of Gen. Tinio. Maj. John Alexander Logan, Jr and 8 American soldiers died in the fierce 3.5-hour battle that ensued, but the Americans, armed with a Gatling gun, claimed the lives of 134 Filipino soldiers, wounding 160 more.^{[6]:144–146}

On November 13 a national council of war held in Bayambang resolved to disband the Philippine Army and ordered the generals and their men to return to their own provinces and organize the people for general resistance by means of guerrilla warfare.^[6]:146 Gen. Aguinaldo divided the country into zones, each under a general. Gen. Tinio was designated regional commander of the Ilocos provinces. The following evening, Gen. Aguinaldo, accompanied by his family, the cabinet, their aides and the Kawit Battalion, left Bayambang by special train for Calasiao, only 15 kilometers away from American Headquarters!

On November 14, early in the morning, the presidential party struggled through the knee-deep mud of backwoods trails towards Sta. Barbara, where they met with the Mixto Battalion under Lt. Jose Joven and the Del Pilar Brigade. The column, now with 1,200 armed men, managed to reach the forests of Manaoag and proceeded to Pozorrubio, where the party was greeted by Gen. Tinio. The evening before, Maj. Samuel M. Swiggert’s pursuing squadron had caught up with part of the Tinio Brigade in Manaoag, but on the morning of the 14th, failed to pursue Aguinaldo at Pozorrubio.^[6]:147

Aguinaldo spent the night in Pozorrubio and was unaware of the proximity of the enemy. He only came to know about it when Gen. Tinio informed him that the Americans were in pursuit. The presidential party hurriedly left for Rosario, La Union, and then for Bauang. Fortunately, the encounters with the Tinio Brigade had delayed the American pincer movements and, by the time these closed, Aguinaldo was already far in the north.

On Nov. 18, 1899 Gen. Samuel B. M. Young with 80 men of the 3rd Cavalry plus 300 native scouts, made a forced march north through Pangasinan in pursuit of Aguinaldo.^[6]:151 Ahead of them was Gen. Tinio, who caught up with Gen. Aguinaldo in Bauang, La Union on the 19th. The following day Gen. Tinio, upon Aguinaldo’s orders, accompanied Col. Simeon Villa to San Fernando, La Union, where most of Tinio’s troops were helping the townspeople with the rice harvest. Young’s troops made a surprise raid on the town at 3 in the morning, and, recognizing Tinio and Villa, pursued them. Luckily the two were able to flee into the mountains on foot and to make their way to San Juan, the next town. Gen. Tinio reassembled his men in San Juan and, in an orderly manner, marched with their wounded to Narvacan, only a day or two ahead of the pursuing Gen. Young. Tinio then set up his command headquarters in San Quintin, Abra and sent the wounded further ahead to the military hospital in Bangued.

On Nov. 26, 1899, Vigan became the hottest spot as the American battleship ‘Oregon’ and the former Spanish gunboats ‘Callao’ and ‘Samar’ anchored off it and started shelling Caoayan, Ilocos Sur.^[6]:131 Vigan was immediately evacuated on orders of post commander Gen. Benito Natividad. The prisoners, both Spanish and American, together with his meager troops moved on to Abra and Bangued as early as Sept.^[6]:120 When the Americans landed the following day, led by Commander McCracken and Lt. Col. James Parker, there were no Filipino soldiers in Vigan.^[5]:358 A few days later, 225 American troops, mostly Texas volunteers forming a battalion of the 33rd Infantry under Major Peyton C. March,^[6]:153 arrived from San Fabian, took up residence in the Archbishop’s Palace and stored their ammunition and supplies in the adjoining girls’ school.

On Nov. 27, the day the Americans occupied Vigan, Gen. Tinio sent orders for all active soldiers of the Brigade to concentrate along the shores of the Abra River towns of San Quintin, Piddigan and Bangued, beyond the Tangadan Pass. Gen. Young, who was chasing them relentlessly; had reached Candon on the 28th and, from seized documents, discovered that he was no longer trailing the enemy, but was right in their midst! He also learned that Aguinaldo was at Angaki, 25 km. away to the southeast, while Tinio was up north some 40 km. away.^[6]:153 Young realized immediately that Gen. Tinio’s purpose in taking his forces to the north was, as he phrased it, “to lead us away from following Aguinaldo.” Unsure whether he should pursue Aguinaldo or go after Tinio, the decision was made for him when a battalion of the 34th Volunteer Infantry arrived under Lt. Col. Robert Howze. They had been sent by Gen. Arthur MacArthur to reinforce Gen. Young’s northern column.^[6]:154 Forthwith, March’s battalion was sent in pursuit of Aguinaldo through Tirad Pass, while the bigger part of Young’s army, with Howze’s battalion, marched towards Tangadan Pass in an attempt to destroy the Tinio Battalion, the last remaining army of the Republic.^[6]:156

From San Quentin, General Tinio ordered 400 riflemen and bolomen, led by Capt. Alejandrino, went down the Mestizo River in bancas and spread out on both sides of the plaza of Vigan.^[6]:163 Just before 4 AM on 4 Dec., some of the attackers in the dark streets were challenged by an American patrol who then gave the alarm to the 250 Americans in the city.^[6]:163 Although Filipino snipers were already in position in the buildings around the plaza, in the ensuing 4-hour battle at close range they were no match for the legendary Texas marksmanship and the inexhaustible supply of American ammunition. The rebels were routed, leaving over 40 dead and 32 captured, while 8 Americans were killed.^[6]:165 The survivors fled to Tangadan.

By 3 Dec. 1899, Gen. Young and Lt. Col. Howze were at Tangadan Pass with his 260 men.^[6]:165 The pass was defended by 1,060 men under Lt. Col. Blas Villamor, Tinio’s chielf of staff, in trench works constructed over the last year with the assistance of Spanish engineers.^[6]:162 The Americans successfully scaled the steep, 200-foot cliffs flanking the entrenchments to gain a vantage position.^{[6]:168–169} The final assault came in the evening of Dec. 4, added by the arrival of Col. Luther Hare’s 270 men from the 33rd Infantry.^{[6]:168–169} Outflanked and outnumbered, Lt. Col. Villamor decided to save his men from carnage, and retreated, abandoning rifles and ammunition, and after losing 35 killed and 80 wounded to the American loss of 2 killed and 13 wounded.^[6]:170Thus ended the Battle of Tangadan Pass.

Tinio, however, earned the admiration of Col. Howze who wrote glowingly on the Vauban-type Tangadan defenses:

“The trenches captured are the best field trenches that have ever come under my observation. They terrace the mountainside, cover the valley below in all directions, and thoroughly control the road for a distance of 3 miles. They are permanent in nature, with perfect approaches, bomb-proofs, living sheds, etc., with shapes and revetments sodded and supported by timbers. The complete terrace of trenches number 10 in all, well connected for support, defense and retreat.”

Gen. Young reported on the bravery of General Tinio and his men, that at the Battle of Tangadan,

“Some of their officers exposed themselves very gallantly on the parapets during heavy firing.”

The day after the Battle of Tangadan, December 5, the pursuing Americans invaded Tinio’s headquarters in San Quintin, five kilometers away from the pass.^[6]:171 They continued upstream on the Abra River to Pidigan and Bangued, liberating 1,500 starving Spaniards, on 6 Dec.^{[6]:171, 173} The American prisoners and the Spanish general had been sent ahead to Ilocos Norte by Gen. Tinio for strategic reasons, with orders for them to be shot rather than be rescued by the Americans.^[6]:172 But the capture of Bangued was a major setback for the Filipinos, because the Brigade arsenal was located there. Three tons of sheet brass, two tons of lead, as well as supplies of powder, saltpeter and sulphur were found by the Americans. General Benito Natvidad joined General Tinio at Tayum.^[6]:193

The onslaught had started! Having captured Bangued, Gen. Young re-armed at Vigan and within a week made unopposed landings in Ilocos Norte at Pasuquin, Laoag and Bangui. He sent cavalry north from Vigan, destroying trenches and defense works around Magsingal, Sinait, Cabugao and Badoc.

Meanwhile, the rescue of the American prisoners from Bangued became the task of Col. Hare’s 220 men of the 33rd Infantry and Col. Howze’s 130 men of the 34th Infantry.^[6]:172

In Abra, Gen. Tub had been roaming the farms disguised as a rich planter on a white horse. In this way he made regular daily visits to the various American outposts to chat with the enemy soldiers. He even went so far as to invite them to his house in Bangued for dinner. After gathering all the information that he could, Tinio went back to the hills each day to instruct his men on what to do that night. Unfortunately, one day his photograph was circulated among the Americans and the daring general had no choice but to take to the hills with Col. Hare and a picked group trailing him!

Howze caught up with the Brigade’s baggage train in Danglas on 8 Dec.^[6]:182 and 750 more Spanish prisoners on 10 Dec. at Dingras^[6]:188 This last group included General Leopoldo Garcia Pena, former commander of Cavite province.^[6]:188 Hare’s column joined Howze at Maananteng, where they sent the freed Spanish and Chinese prisoners on to Laoag, and the remaining force of 151 men continued the pursuit into the Cordilleras on 13 Dec.^{[6]:189–192}

When Gen. Tinio realized that the Americans were exerting all efforts to surround him, he had the American prisoners conducted to Cabugaoan in Apayao country as a diversion, spreading false rumors that he was with the group. (He had, in fact, on Dec. 12, though surrounded by the Americans in Solsona, Ilocos Norte, near the boundary of Apayao, managed to elude them dressed as a peasant woman.)^[6]:189

After days of marching in the wild Cordillera Mountains, the Americans finally caught up with the abandoned prisoners on Dec.18 at the headwaters of the Apayao-Abulug River, having been abandoned by their Filipino guards in Isneg territory.^{[6]:207–208} On crudely constructed rafts, the Americans eventually reached the coast in Abulug, Cagayan, on 2 Jan. 1900, where the footsore and weary soldiers found the USS Princeton and USS Venus waiting to take them back to Vigan and Manila.^[6]:217

Gen. Tinio spent the next couple of months in the mountains of Solsona, where he began fortifying the peak of Mt. Bimmauya, east of Lapog. It was also in the remote headwaters of the Bical River above Lapog that an arsenal had been set up to replace that captured at Bangued. This operated for a year. Rifles were repaired, cartridges refilled, gunpowder and homemade hand guns (paltik) manufactured with real feats of mechanical ingenuity. Twenty to thirty silversmiths and laborers could fashion 30-50 cartridges a day by hand!

The defenses constructed by Gen. Tinio were similar to those that he had put up in Tangadan the year before, but, having learned his lesson, he situated the defenses on a peak that Lt. J. C. Castner described as follows:

“one of the principal peaks (is) on the coast range of northwestern Luzon. Its altitude is between 2,500 and 3,000 feet above the Rio Cabugao that washes its western shore. By reason of standing more to the westward than its immediate neighbors and being bare of timber, it affords a view of the entire coastal plain from Vigan on the South to Laoag on the north. The lower part of Monte Bimmauya is wooded, but the upper three-fourths is bare of trees and bush, and, in certain places, even the grass has been burned off by the insurgents. Consequently, there is no cover for attacking troops ascending the western spur of the mountain. The slopes of the upper portion make angles of from 45-60 degrees with the horizon. The only trail in existence or even possible on this western spur… is so narrow that it is what is known among geographers as a ‘knife-edge’, hence the only formation admissible was a column of files, two men not being able to march abreast. The ascent is so steep and the footing so insecure that one has to watch continually where he plants his feet to avoid precipitation down the precipice-like slopes on either side.”

New Year’s Day 1900 signaled the outburst of guerilla warfare throughout the Ilocos region. On that day, Gen. Tinio engaged in a skirmish with American forces at Malabita, San Fernando, La Union. The disconcerted Gen. Young ordered daily patrols by all his units “to settle this insurgent business with the least possible delay.” The following day, he requested another battalion of veterans with which he promised “to drive these outlaws out or kill them and settle the savages before letting up.” The day after that he repeated the request:

“My belief is that by keeping up a constant hunt after these murderers, thieves and robbers, the country can be cleared of them within two months.” Needless to say, he did not receive any reinforcements, because he already had 3,500 men, more than thrice the number of Tinio’s troops!

On January 13 the Americans intercepted an order from Gen. Tinio to execute all Filipinos who surrender to the enemy.

The following day, January 14. the only artillery duel of the Fil-American War was fought in Bimmuaya between the Republicans and the combined forces of Maj. Steever and Lt. Col. Howze. The barrage lasted from noon until sundown. Despite holding the ‘strongest position in Luzon’, as Steever believed the Bimmuaya stronghold to be, the Filipinos, with their paltry stock of rifles and ammunition, succumbed in less than 24 hours to the mighty American forces. Steever’s two Maxim guns dominated the show. Although the Americans halted their fire at sunset, the Filipinos kept up desultory fire until midnight. The next day the Americans discovered that it was just to cover the withdrawal of Gen. Tinio and his men!

After the Battle of Bimmuaya, Gen. Tinio’s guerrilla forces continuously fought and harassed the American garrisons in the different towns of Ilocos for almost 1½ years. His command was probably the first to initiate guerrilla activities in Luzon in accordance with the Aguinaldo’s official proclamation at Bayambang on Nov. 12, 1899. Once again, he reorganized the Tinio Brigade, now greatly reduced by the casualties sustained in San Jacinto, Manaoag and other places. Discarding its inter-provincial designation of units, he reformed his forces as a guerrilla organization with overlapping territories and troops, Ilocos Sur being shared by other Ilocano provinces. The military commands came to be known as:

· Ilocos Norte-Vigan Line covering the province of Ilocos Norte south to northern Ilocos Sur down to Vigan, · Abra-Candon Line under Lt.-Col. Juan Villamor which covered the Province of Abra and Ilocos Sur south of Vigan down to Candon · La Union-Sta. Cruz Line covering the province of La Union north to southern Ilocos Sur as far as Sta. Cruz.

The battalion commanders came to be known as Jefes de Linea, while the company commanders were now called Jefes de Guerrilla. Companies of riflemen became numbered units of guerrillas, each ranging from 50-100 soldiers, depending on the number of fighters a unit could arm and equip. These troops were then divided further into destacamentos or detachments of 20 men, more or less, under a subaltern officer. These bands were virtually independent of each other in their operations. But they could function occasionally as a unit on rare instances of mass assaults, as in the raids on Laoag on April, Bangued in June and Candon in February 1901.

Col. Bias Villamor, now 2nd in command as a result of his good showing in the Pangasinan campaigns, gave the full count of the Tinio Brigade in January 1900 at 1,062 men, 64 of them officers. The high proportion of officers to men was due to the nature of guerrilla warfare with its small separate units and flying columns of 20-30 men that strike at their chosen times and places. The majority of the officers were Novo-Ecijanos and veterans of earlier campaigns, some even from the Revolution of 1896!

The use of guerrilla tactics by the Filipinos resulted in more American losses than they had previous to Nov. 14, 1899. The never-ending guerrilla raids forced Gen. Young to start garrisoning the towns, setting up 15 of them in January, 4 in March and a total of 36 by April. Detachments varied in size from 50 in San Quintin, 200 in Sinait to 1,000 in Cabugao and Candon. These garrison troops were under fire in one place or another for the next 18 months. Cabugao alone was attacked every Sunday for 7 consecutive weeks! Ambuscades of American patrols became almost a daily occurrence and resulted in so many casualties for the invaders, that by March 1900, no patrols were sent out unless they were 40-50 strong! Gen. Arthur MacArthur, in an official report, stated that:

“The extensive distribution of troops has strained the soldiers of the army to the full limit of endurance. Each little command has had to provide its own service of security and information by never ceasing patrols, explorations, escorts, outposts and regular guards. . . In all things requiring endurance, fortitude and patient diligence, the guerilla period has been pre-eminent.”

The “secret weapon” of these attacks was the Ilocano people. The whole population was an espionage network and developed a warning system to apprise the revolutionists of approaching invaders. Even priests would tap church bells as a warning of approaching American patrols. Pvt. James Lyons, a prisoner in Tinio’s camp, reported that “runners came in every few minutes” with information. It seemed that the whole Ilocos was now engaged in war, with trade and agriculture virtually at a standstill!

Gen. Tinio’s raids were so sporadic and simultaneous that many, including the Americans, believed that Tinio had the power of bilocation, appearing in several places at the same time! His personal movements indicated an energetic contact with his forces – organizing, inspecting, consulting, encouraging or commanding in action, and constantly eluding his would-be captors. He was everywhere.

On 31 January, Gen. Tinio and his men had a skirmish on the Candon-Salcedo road with American troops. Fortunately they did not suffer any casualties.

The next day, February 1, Tinio, visited Sto. Domingo, unescorted and dressed as a farmer.

On February 9, he ambushed a troop of 7 cavalry in Sabang, Bacnotan, but withdrew when American reinforcements arrived.

On 16 February, from Bacnotan, he ordered Capt. Galicano Calvo to apprehend certain American spies.

On February 19, he ambushed an enemy patrol in Kaguman and captured the equipment.

On February 26, he ambushed an American convoy between San Juan and Bacnotan, together with their supplies of food, medicine, shoes, mules, etc.

On March 5 the next month, he surprised and routed an American camp in San Francisco, Balaoan, capturing all the equipment. He then went north to Magsingal, but left the next day on an inspection trip.

On the 8th, a surprise search for him in Sto. Domingo and San Ildefonso was frustrated by warnings of church bells.

On the 10th, he issued a warning to the Mayor of Candon, prompting the American command there to request for a picture of Gen. Tinio.

On the 14th, while holding a meeting in Bacnotan, he was surprised by an American patrol. Fortunately, a troop of Filipino cavalry arrived, and, with the support of two guns in the house, the Filipinos were able to repulse the attackers and enable Tinio to escape.

Two days after, on the 16th, Tinio met with Mayor Almeida in Bacsayan, Bacnotan.

On March 29, Gen. Tinio and his escort had a skirmish with an American patrol and routed them. An escaping American was drowned in the river between San Esteban and Sta. Maria.

In April, Tinio reported to Aguinaldo in Lubuagan, Kalinga and in May conferred with Aglipay in Badoc and fought a battle in Quiom, Batac, Ilocos Norte. He then moved on to Piddig, Ilocos Norte and, in June he set up a camp at a remote peak called Paguined on the Badoc River east of Sinait. The last was near his arsenal in Barbar.

All this incessant movement did not detract from his love life. Although he was already married, he continued his various liaisons, even going to the extent of bringing Amelia Dancel into the mountains of Ilocos Norte with him in July. American military reports even mention Amelia as his wife! In disguise, he once visited a maiden in enemy-occupied Vigan. The Americans, hearing that he was in town, began to make a house-to-house search, but were unable to find him, even when they searched his ladyfriend’s house. The woman had hidden him under the voluminous layers of her Maria Clara skirt! That was probably the narrowest escape he ever made! The incident became the talk of the town and was always cited whenever the name of Gen. Tinio came up. (The quick-thinking “heroine” lived until the 1970s.)

By November 1900, the number of American forces in the Ilocos had increased to 5,700 men—plus 300 mercenaries. The number of garrisons also rose to 59, spread thinly over 250 kilometers from Aringay, La Union to Cape Bojeador, Ilocos Norte. Earlier, mercenaries had been brought in from Macabebe, Pampanga and were stationed in Vigan, Sta. Maria, and San Esteban. These mercenaries started recruiting fellow Filipinos and by April numbered over 200, half of them Ilocanos and a quarter of them Tagalogs. Attached to regular occupation troops, these mercenaries caused significant damage to the nationalists by leading the enemy to hidden food supplies and inducing many defections. Because of this, Gen. Tinio issued a proclamation on March 20, 1900 as follows:

First and last article. The following shall be tried by summary court martial and sentenced to death:

• All local presidents and other civil authorities, both of towns and of the barrios, rancherias (settlements of Christianized tribesmen) and sitios or hamlets, of their respective jurisdictions, who do not give immediate notice of any plan, direction, movement or number of the enemy as soon as they learn of it.
• Those who, regardless of age or sex, reveal the location of the camp, stopping places, movements or direction of the revolutionaries to the enemy.
• Those who voluntarily offer to serve the enemy as guides, unless it be for the purpose of misleading them from the right road, and
• Those who, whether of their own free will or not, capture revolutionary soldiers who are alone, or persuade them to surrender to the enemy.

The insidious guerrilla war saw such rules and warnings proclaimed from both parties. The American commands in Ilocos Norte were ordered to warn barrio officials that those who did not report ‘insurgents’ immediately (meaning, within an hour for every 5 km. from the nearest American troops) would be considered insurgents themselves, and their barrios ‘absolutely destroyed’. Theft of telegraph wires or ambuscades of American patrols resulted in the nearest villages being burned and the inhabitants killed. When 200 m. of telegraph wire was destroyed in Piddigan, Abra, the Bangued command reported the next day that, “There is not a single building standing out of Piddigan.”

Gen. Tinio, on the other hand, ordered all the towns to aid the revolutionaries. Pasuquin, a town in Ilocos Norte, refused to cooperate with Filipino forces, so Tinio threatened to burn the town “at his leisure” and did so on Nov. 3, 1900.

On Dec. 21, Gen. Tinio issued a proclamation against crimes by military forces. On Christmas Day, Tinio, with Maj. Reyes and ten officers celebrated the holiday in Lemerig near Asilang, Lapog. On Holy Innocents’ Day, Dec. 28, the Americans made a surprise raid on Lemerig. Fortunately, the general and his officers managed to escape.

The first month of 1901 began inauspiciously with the capture of Gen. Tinio’s arsenal at Barbar on January 29, 1901.

The following month, on February 19, 1901, Brigadier Gen. James Franklin Bell came into the picture. Gen. Young turned over the command of the First District, Department of Northern Luzon to him. It is this General Bell who would later gain notoriety for his ‘re-concentration’ methods in the southern Tagalog provinces right after his stint in the North.

Determined to continue the same policy of repression, Gen. Bell, with an additional 1,000 men, ordered his forces to pursue, kill and wipe out the insurrectos. Food supplies were destroyed to prevent them from reaching the guerrillas. Inasmuch as the barrios were supplying rice from the recent harvests to the guerrillas, whole populations were evacuated to town centers within 10 days of notification. Noncompliance resulted in the burning of the whole barrio. Even some interior towns were completely evacuated, while others, like Magsingal and Lapog were surrounded by stockades to prevent the revolutionaries from infesting them.

On February 26, Gen. Tinio attacked the Americans fortified in the convent of Sta. Maria. It was his last attack against American forces.

The whole Ilocos was being laid waste and was in danger of starvation due to Gen. Bell’s iron fisted policies. The lack of supplies eventually forced hundreds of patriots to lay down their arms and return to their homes. By March the Brigade only had a few hundred soldiers left.

On March 25, 1901, the top brass of the Tinio Brigade met in a council of war at Sagap, Bangued. In this meeting, Generals Tinio and Natividad, the two Villamors and Lt. Colonels Alejandrino, Gutierrez and Salazar resolved that “the final action of the Tinio Brigade should depend upon the decision of the Honorable President.”

Unknown to them, Aguinaldo had been captured in Palanan, Isabela on March 23, 1901. When word of Aguinaldo’s surrender reached Gen. Tinio on April 3, he only had two command-rank subordinates remaining, his former classmates Joaquin Alejandrino and Vicente Salazar.

On April 19, 1901 Aguinaldo proclaimed an end to hostilities and urged his generals to surrender and lay down their arms. In compliance with Gen. Aguinaldo’s proclamation, Gen. Tinio sent Col. Salazar to Sinait under a flag of truce to discuss terms of surrender. The following day, Salazar was sent back with the peace terms. On April 29, 1901, Gen. Manuel Tinio, whom the American military historian, William T. Sexton, called “the soul of the insurrection in the Ilocos provinces of Northern Luzon” and “a general of a different stamp from the majority of the insurgent leaders”, surrendered. The following day, April 30, he signed the Oath of Allegiance. When Tinio handed his revolver to Gen. Bell as a token of surrender, the latter immediately returned it to him – a token of great respect. Gen. Tinio was only 23 years old!

The Americans suspended all hostilities on May 1 and printed Tinio’s appeal for peace on the Regimental press on the 5th. On May 9 he surrendered his arms together with Gen. Benito Natividad, thirty-six of his officers and 350 riflemen.

While the Americans boasted that they eliminated 5 insurrecto generals within a month, it took them 11/2 years and 7,000 men to ‘civilize’ Manuel Tinio y Bundoc, the Tagalog boy-general of the Ilocanos!

The significance attached to Gen. Tinio’s surrender by the Americans was felt throughout the country. Gen. MacArthur said that the little war in the Ilocos was the “most troublesome and perplexing military problem in all Luzon.” On May 5, as Military Governor of the Philippines, MacArthur issued General Order No. 89 releasing 1,000 Filipino prisoners of war “to specially signalize the recent surrender of Gen. Manuel Tinio and other prominent military leaders in the provinces of Abra and Ilocos Norte.” La Fraternidad, a Manila newspaper, happily reported, “The 1st of May is now for 2 reasons an important date in contemporary Philippine history – 1898, the destruction of the Spanish squadron in Cavite; 1901, the surrender of Generals Tinio and Natividad and the complete pacification of Northern Luzon.

Manuel Tinio, surprisingly, never suffered any injury during his entire military career even as he was known to stand up and face a barrage of artillery fire! He attributed this to an amulet, anting-anting, that he always wore and which he kept in a safe after the cessation of hostilities.

Upon his release, Manuel Tinio went back to Nueva Ecija to rehabilitate his neglected farms in present-day Licab, Sto. Domingo and Talavera. He lived in a camarin or barn together with all the farming paraphernalia and livestock. A typical hacendero, he was very paternalistic and caring, extending his protection, not only on his family, but also to his friends and supporters. His men even compared him to a ‘hen’.

As a family man, he was very protective of his daughters. Being family-oriented, he took in all the children of his deceased sisters and half sisters (from his father’s previous marriages) when their widowers eventually remarried or played around. He treated all his nephews and nieces as if they were his children, giving them the same education and privileges. This resulted in the extremely close family ties of the Tinio Family. He was very loving and fatherly and would entertain his children with stories of his campaigns. Perhaps because he never finished high school, he believed in a good education and, in 1920, sent his two eldest sons to the United States to study in Cornell University.

Manuel Tinio treated everyone equally, rich and poor alike, so everyone looked up to him and respected him. In fact, he paid more attention to the poor than to the rich, because, according to him, the poor had nothing but their pride and were, for that reason, more sensitive. When rich relatives came to visit, his children had but to kiss their hand in greeting, but when a poor relation came, they had to greet their kin in the same manner, but on bended knees – the highest form of respect in those days!.

All his tenants idolized Manuel Tinio, who was not an absentee landlord, but lived with them in the farm with hardly any amenities. However, he always kept a good table and had flocks of sheep and dovecotes in every property he owned, so that he could have his favorite caldereta and pastel de pichon anytime he wanted. He also enjoyed his brandy, finishing off daily a bottle of Tres Cepes by Domecq. Wherever he lived, he received a constant stream of visitors, relatives and friends. Many veterans of the Tinio Brigade, often coming from the Ilocos, invariably came to reminisce and ask for his assistance. Later, as Governor, he would help them settle in Nueva Ecija.

Although he was but a civilian, the prominence he earned as a revolutionary general and his immense network of social and familial alliances eventually became the nucleus of a political machine that he controlled until his death. An ardent nationalist, he fought against the federalists who wanted the Philippines to become an American state. He did not run for any position, but any candidate he endorsed was sure to win the position. Dr. Benedicto Adorable, one of the richest and most prominent men in Gapan, was so fanatically loyal that he often said, “I would vote for a dog if Gen. Tinio asked me to.” Of course, he was fanatically loyal because Gen. Tinio had saved him from a Spanish firing squad in 1896!

When Gov. Gen. Henry C. Ide lifted the ban on independence parties in 1906, the political parties with similar ideology merged into the present Nacionalista Party. Manuel Tinio always supported Sergio Osmeña, the leader of the party, throughout his political career. Even during the split between Osmeña and Quezon in 1922, Tinio remained loyal to the former. As the founder and leader of the Nacionalista Party in Nueva Ecija, Tinio stressed the significance of a unified party, emphasizing in every local party convention that the winner will be supported wholly by each party member. Any party member who won an election could serve only one term in office to give the other party members a chance. Should the incumbent seek re-election, Tinio advised his colleagues to support the choice of the convention. As a party leader, he did not want warring factions within the party, and exerted every effort to make rival groups come to terms. Thus, during his lifetime, the Nacionalista Party in Nueva Ecija was unified.

On July 15, 1907 Gov. Gen. James F. Smith appointed Manuel Tinio as Governor of the Province of Nueva Ecija, to serve the remainder of the 3-year term of Gov. Isauro Gabaldon, who had resigned to run as a candidate for the 1st National Assembly. Incidentally, one of the first major bills Assemblyman Gabaldon proposed was the establishment of a school in every town in the archipelago. The Gabaldon-type schoolhouses and Gabaldon town in Nueva Ecija are named after him. Gabaldon’s wife, Bernarda, was the eldest daughter of Casimiro Tinio.

Manuel Tinio’s first term as governor was marked by the return of peace and order to the province. William Cameron Forbes, Commissioner of Commerce and Police under both Gov.-Generals Wright and Smith, wrote of Tinio:

“…we picked up the new Governor of Nueva Ecija at San Isidro, the capital, General Tinio. He used to be a celebrated insurecto General and Governor Smith has just made him Governor.. . We have more robbery and murders here than almost anywhere, one leading band being continually on the move. General Tinio informed me that he had most of the band in jail already, his guns captured, and the robberies stopped, and the principal outstanding ladron (the only one that I know by name in the whole of Luzon) driven from his borders and over to Pangasinan. I talked busily on road building and maintenance to him for a couple of hours while we sped up to Cabanatuan and went up to call on the local officials..

An anecdote on Gov. Tinio’s bravery has him negotiating with a dreaded tulisan or bandit who held a family hostage for days, threatening to kill them if the constables, policemen, tried to rush him. Unarmed, Tinio went into the house, talked to the bandit and went out after 30 minutes with the bandit peacefully in tow.

Gov. Tinio also brought about agricultural expansion. His Governor’s report for the fiscal year 1907–1908 stated that the area of cultivated land increased by 15%. The following year, this was augmented by an additional 40%. These lands, which were settled by over 5,000 homesteaders, mostly Ilocanos, were in the towns of Bongabon (then including Rizal), Talavera, Sto. Domingo, Guimba (which still included Muñoz) and San Jose. The influx of settlers from the north explains why many people speak Ilocano in those towns today.

It was also during his term as Governor that his wife, Laureana, died. The Provincial Board then passed a resolution naming the town Laur, after her. Soon after, he married Maura Quijano, the younger sister of Laureana, who had accompanied her from Ilocos after Gen. Tinio’s surrender to the Americans.

Gen. Tinio ran for reelection under the Nacionalista Party in 1908 and won. But there were other things in store for him. His executive ability and decisiveness had not gone unnoticed by the Americans, especially by Forbes who had become Acting Gov. Gen. on May 8, 1909. Months before Forbes assumed the office,

“Manila was being troubled by a series of strikes generally fomented by the shamelessly corrupt labor leader Dominador Gomez, who was taking a cut out of sums levied as blackmail against major American firms. Gomez had been arrested for threats, and some of the other unions collapsed when Gov.-Gen. Smith had questioned the legality of the unions’ use of their funds.”

To help settle labor problems, Forbes set up the Bureau of Labor and asked Manuel Tinio to head it. Forthwith, Tinio resigned as Governor of Nueva Ecija and became the first Director of Labor on July 1, 1909, thereby becoming the first Filipino Bureau Director! He quickly solved the strikes. Three weeks later, Forbes welcomed Director Tinio to his staff meeting and wrote in his diary:

“He’s a good man, and Col. Bandholtz says he’s got Gomez scared to death… Gomez had tried Tinio to employ him, but Tinio refused: “Why pay you to do the work the Government is paying me to do?”

“In a short time the condition of labor and industry in the region about Manila was vastly improved. In general, it may be said that, as a result of Gen. Tinio’s management of the bureau, strikes ceased, laborers went their way contented, employees readily corrected abuses brought to their attention, and the (union) leaders fell back into their proper role of caring for and representing the laborers.”

Manuel Tinio eventually became a close friend of the aristocratic Forbes, whom he invited to hunting parties in Pantabangan. The latter liked Tinio’s company, even offering to give him a hectare of land along Session Road in Baguio, (newly developed by Forbes) so that Tinio could build a house there and keep him company whenever he went up to the cool mountain resort. Tinio did not accept the offer. Gov.-Gen. Forbes also wrote in his journal:

“Tinio later became a great friend of mine. I made him Director of Labor and I rated him as one of the best Filipinos in the Islands. In fact, from the point of view of staunchness of character, and good judgement, and other good qualities, I liked Tinio best of all and wanted to make him Commissioner [member of the Philippine Commission].”

Gov.-Gen. Francis Burton Harrison succeeded Gov. Forbes. His term was characterized by increased Filipinization of the insular bureaucracy, and he appointed Tinio as the first Filipino Director of Lands on October 17, 1913. It was while he was Director of the Bureau of Lands that cadastral surveys for each municipality began to be made, and the area now covered by the towns of Rizal, Llanera, Gen. Natividad, Laur, Lupao and Muñoz were subdivided into homesteads. In the largest wave of migration ever experienced by the province, thousands of landless Tagalogs and Ilocanos came and settled in Nueva Ecija. But Tinio suffered intrigues sown by the American Assistant Director, who wanted to be appointed to the position. The intrigues came to the point that Tinio was even accused of manipulating the sale of the 6,000 hectare Sabani Estate that was subsequently rescinded. In disgust and for delicadeza, he resigned on September 13, 1914 and returned to Nueva Ecija to manage his landholdings. A subsequent investigation cleared him of all charges, but, disillusioned with the government system, he refused to go back to government service, preferring to live the quiet life of a landowner instead. The Sabani Estate, in present-day Gabaldon, Nueva Ecija and Dingalan, Aurora, never found another buyer and still belongs to the government and is administered by the National Development Corporation.

It was during his term as Director of Lands that his wife, Maura, died. He then married Basilia Pilares Huerta, a Bulakeña from Meycauayan.

After his resignation from the Bureau of Lands, Manuel Tinio went back to Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija, and built his house on Burgos St. It was the largest house in town. He entertained and kept open house, which meant that anyone present at lunchtime was automatically invited to dine. Everyday was like an Election Day – with people coming to ask for assistance, financial or otherwise. A very generous man, he was not averse to using his personal financial resources to help those in need.

Manuel Tinio dedicated the remainder of his life to politics. The hold that Manuel Tinio had on the province was awesome. Even if he did not have any position, he maintained absolute control over the local government with the unchallenged power to make or unmake provincial leaders. In order to maintain and gain his political power, Manuel Tinio made it a practice to visit every voter during an election year, reserving for last those who were known to be against his party. A few days before the election, Tinio would visit them. He would sit where everyone who passed by the house could see him. After chatting with his host for an hour or two, without even discussing politics, the whole barrio would conclude that the fellow had been won over by Tinio! His credibility with his partymates shattered, the poor fellow had no choice but to move over eventually to the Nationalista Party!

Lewis Gleeck wrote of Manuel Tinio as “the supreme example of caciquism in the Philippines” and cited the case of one of Tinio’s most prominent political leaders who had shot and killed a man in front of many witnesses. The Americans, wanting to show that there was equality under American law, tried to make a big case out of it. However, they could not find a single lawyer in the whole province willing to act for the prosecution. After sending an American lawyer from Manila, the case had to be dismissed, because no witness came up to testify! J. Ralston Hayden, a high American official, said:

“Tinio controlled the entire government: the Courts of First Instance, the Justices of the Peace, the chiefs of police and police forces, the mayors and the councilors. These, together with a tremendous money power, were in his hands. No one dared to stand up against him.”

Manuel Tinio was also a very good friend of Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmeña, the Speaker of the National Assembly and the most powerful Filipino in the political scene at that time. It was not surprising, therefore, that Manuel Tinio was included in the Independence Mission that went to Washington D. C. in 1921.

Mandirigma.org Note:

Philippine Army fighting for Independence were referred to as “Insurgents” by the United States to justify their betrayal and invasion.

Site is still riddled with period U.S. propaganda.

https://www.loc.gov/rr/hispanic/1898/chronphil.html

Chronology for the Philippine Islands and Guam in the Spanish-American War

1887

March
Publication in Berlin, Germany, of Noli Me Tangere (Touch Me Not) by José Rizal, the Philippines’ most illustrious son, awakened Filipino national consciousness.

1890

U.S. foreign policy is influenced by Alfred T. Mahan who wrote The Influence of Sea Power upon history, 1600-1783, which advocated the taking of the Caribbean Islands, Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands for bases to protect U.S. commerce, the building of a canal to enable fleet movement from ocean to ocean and the building of the Great White fleet of steam-driven armor plated battleships.

1892

July 3
La Liga Filipina, a political action group that sought reforms in the Spanish administration of the Philippines by peaceful means, was launched formally at a Tondo meeting by José Rizal upon his return to the Philippines from Europe and Hong Kong in June 1892. Rizal’s arrest three days later for possessing anti-friar bills and eventual banishment to Dapitan directly led to the demise of the Liga a year or so later.

July 7
Andrés Bonifacio formed the Katipunan, a secret, nationalistic fraternal brotherhood founded to bring about Filipino independence through armed revolution, at Manila. Bonifacio, an illiterate warehouse worker, believed that the Ligawas ineffective and too slow in bringing about the desired changes in government, and decided that only through force could the Philippines problem be resolved. The Katipunan replaced the peaceful civic association that Rizal had founded.

1895

January
Andrés Bonifacio elected supremo of the Katipunan, the secret revolutionary society.

March
Emilio Aguinaldo y Farmy joined Katipunan. He adopted the pseudonym Magdalo, after Mary Magdalene.

June 12
U.S. President Grover Cleveland proclaimed U.S. neutrality in the Cuban Insurrection.

1896

February 16
Spain implemented reconcentration (reconcentrado) policy in Cuba, a policy which required the population to move to central locations under Spanish military jurisdiction and the entire island was placed under martial law.

February 28
The U.S. Senate recognized Cuban belligerency with overwhelming passage of the joint John T. Morgan/Donald Cameron resolution calling for recognition of Cuban belligerency and Cuban independence. This resolution signaled to President Cleveland and Secretary of State Richard Olney that the Cuban crisis needed attention.

March 2
The U.S. House of Representatives passed decisively its own version of the Morgan-Cameron Resolution which called for the recognition of Cuban belligerency.

August 9
Great Britain foiled Spain’s attempt to gather European support of Spanish policies in Cuba.

August 26
Immediately following the Spanish discovery of the existence of the Katipunan, Andrés Bonifacio uttered the Grito de Balintawak, first cry of the Philippine Revolution. He called for the Philippine populace to revolt and to begin military operations against the Spanish colonial government.

December 7
U.S. President Grover Cleveland declared that the U.S. may take action in Cuba if Spain failed to resolve the Cuban crisis.

December 30
José Rizal was executed for sedition by a Spanish-backed Filipino firing squad on the Luneta, in Manila.

1896

William Warren Kimball, U.S. Naval Academy graduate and intelligence officer, completed a strategic study of the implications of war with Spain. His plan called for an operation to free Cuba through naval action, which included blockade, attacks on Manila, and attacks on the Spanish Mediterranean coast.

1897

March 4
Inauguration of U.S. President William McKinley.

March
Theodore Roosevelt was appointed assistant U.S. Secretary of the Navy. Emilio Aguinaldo was elected president of the new republic of the Philippines; Andrés Bonifacio was demoted to the director of the interior.

April 25
General Fernando Primo de Rivera y Sobremonte became governor-general of the Philippines, replacing General Camilo García de Polavieja; his adjutant was Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja, his nephew.

May 10
Andrés Bonifacio, founder of the Katipunan revolutionary organization, was convicted of treason to the new republic and executed by order of fellow revolutionary Emilio Aguinaldo.

August 8
Spanish Prime Minister Antonio Cánovas del Castillo was assassinated by the anarchist Miguel Angiolillo at Santa Agueda, Spain. Práxides Mateo Sagasta was made Spanish Prime Minister.

November 1
Emilio Aguinaldo succeeded in creating a Philippine revolutionary constitution and on the same date the Biak-na-Bato Republic was formed under the constitution as an effort at independence while the revolution gather momentum.

December 14-15
Spain reacted quickly to the Biak-na-Bato Republic and sought negotiations to end the war. With Pedro Paterno, a noted Filipino intellectual and lawyer, mediating, Aguinaldo representing the revolutionists and Governor-General Fernando Primo de Rivera representing the Spanish colonial government, the Pact of Biak-na-Bato was concluded. The Pact paid indemnities to the revolutionists the sum of 800,000 pesos, provided amnesty, and allowed for Aguinaldo and his entourage voluntary exile to Hong Kong.

December 31
Emilio Aguinaldo arrived in Hong Kong in exile under the terms of the Pact of Biak-na-Bato.

1898

February 8
Spain’s ambassador to the U.S., Enrique Dupuy de Lôme, resigned.

February 9
New York Journal published the confidential letter of Ambassador Enrique Dupuy de Lôme critical of President McKinley. The revelation of the letter helped push Spain and the United States toward war.

February 14
Luís Polo de Bernabé named Minister of Spain in Washington.

February 15
Explosion sank the battleship U.S.S. Maine in Havana harbor.

March 3
Governor-General of the Philippine Islands Fernando Primo de Rivera informed Spanish minister for the colonies Segismundo Moret y Prendergast that Commodore George Dewey had received orders to move on Manila.

March 9
U.S. Congress approved a credit of $50,000,000 for national defense.

March 17
Senator Redfield Proctor (Vermont) swayed Congress and the U.S. business community toward war with Spain. He had traveled at his own expense in February 1898 to Cuba to investigate the impact of the Spanish reconcentration (reconcentrado) policy on the island and returned to report to the Senate.

March 28
U.S. Naval Court of Inquiry published its findings that the battleship U.S.S. Maine was destroyed by mine.

March 29
The United States Government issued an ultimatum to the Spanish Government to terminate its presence in Cuba. Spain did not accept the ultimatum in its reply of April 1, 1898.

April
Governor-General of the Philippine Islands Fernando Primo de Rivera, in a surprise move, was replaced by Governor-General Basilo Augustín Dávila in early April. Upon his departure from the Philippines, the insurgent movement renewed revolutionary activity due mainly to the Spanish government’s failure to abide by the terms of the Pact of Biak-na-Bato.

April 4
The New York Journal issued a million copy press run dedicated to the war in Cuba. The newspaper called for the immediate U.S. entry into war with Spain.

April 11
The U.S. President William McKinley requested authorization from the U.S. Congress to intervene in Cuba, with the object of putting an end to the war between Cuban revolutionaries and Spain.

April 13
The U.S. Congress agreed to President McKinley’s request for intervention in Cuba, but without recognition of the Cuban Government.

The Spanish government declared that the sovereignity of Spain was jeopardized by U.S. policy and prepared a special budget for war expenses.

April 19
The U.S. Congress by vote of 311 to 6 in the House and 42 to 35 in the Senate adopted the Joint Resolution for war with Spain. Included in the Resolution was the Teller Amendment, named after Senator Henry Moore Teller (Colorado) which disclaimed any intention by the U.S. to exercise jurisdiction or control over Cuba except in a pacification role and promised to leave the island as soon as the war was over.

April 20
U.S. President William McKinley signed the Joint Resolution for war with Spain and the ultimatum was forwarded to Spain.

Spanish Minister to the United States Luís Polo de Bernabé demanded his passport and, along with the personnel of the Legation, left Washington for Canada.

April 21
The Spanish Government considered the U.S. Joint Resolution of April 20 a declaration of war. U.S. Minister in Madrid General Steward L. Woodford received his passport before presenting the ultimatum by the United States.

A state of war existed between Spain and the United States and all diplomatic relations were suspended. U.S. President William McKinley ordered a blockade of Cuba.

April 23
President McKinley called for 125,000 volunteers.

April 25
War was formally declared between Spain and the United States.

April 26
Willaim R. Day became U.S. Secretary of State.

April 29
The Portuguese government declared itself neutral in the conflict between Spain and the United States.

May 1
Opening with the famous quote “You may fire when your are ready, Gridley” U.S. Commodore George Dewey in six hours defeated the Spanish squadron, under Admiral Patricio Montojo y Pasarón, in Manila Bay, the Philippines Islands. Dewey led the Asiatic Squadron of the U.S. Navy, which had been based in Hong Kong, in the attack. With the cruisers U.S.S. Olympia, Raleigh, Boston, and Baltimore, the gunboats Concord and Petrel and the revenue cutter McCulloch and reinforcements from cruiser U.S.S. Charleston and the monitors U.S.S. Monadnock and Monterey the U.S. Asiatic Squadron forced the capitulation of Manila. In the battle the entire Spanish squadron was sunk, including the cruisers María Cristina and Castilla, gunboats Don Antonio de Ulloa, Don Juan de Austria, Isla de Luzón, Isla de Cuba, Velasco, and Argos.

May 2
The U.S. Congress voted a war emergency credit increase of $34,625,725.

May 4 
A joint resolution was introduced into the U.S. House of Representatives, with the support of President William McKinley, calling for the annexation of Hawaii.

May 10
Secretary of the Navy John D. Long issued orders to Captain Henry Glass, commander of the cruiser U.S.S. Charleston to capture Guam on the way to Manila.

May 11
Charles H. Allen succeeded Theodore Roosevelt as assistant secretary of the navy.

President William McKinley and his cabinet approve a State Department memorandum calling for Spanish cession of a suitable “coaling station”, presumably Manila. The Philippine Islands were to remain Spanish possessions.

May 18
Prime Minister Sagasta formed the new Spanish cabinet. U.S. President McKinley ordered a military expedition, headed by Major General Wesley Merritt, to complete the elimination of Spanish forces in the Philippines, to occupy the islands, and to provide security and order to the inhabitants.

May 19
Emilio Aguinaldo returned to Manila, the Philippine Islands, from exile in Hong Kong. The United States had invited him back from exile, hoping that Aguinaldo would rally the Filipinos against the Spanish colonial government.

May 24
With himself as the dictator, Emilio Aguinaldo established a dictatorial government, replacing the revolutionary government, due to the chaotic conditions he found in the Philippines upon his return.

May 25
First U.S. troops were sent from San Francisco to the Philippine Islands. Thomas McArthur Anderson commanded the vanguard of the Philippine Expeditionary Force (Eighth Army Corps), which arrived at Cavite, Philippine Islands on June 1.

June-October
U.S. business and government circles united around a policy of retaining all or part of the Philippines.

June 3
President McKinley broadened U.S. position to include an island in the Marianas, as a strategic link in the route from the United States to the Pacific Coast of Asia.

June 11
McKinley administration reactivated debate in Congress on Hawaiian annexation, using the argument that “we must have Hawaii to help us get our share of China.”

June 12
Emilio Aguinaldo declared Philippine Island independence from Spain. German squadron under Admiral Dieterichs arrived at Manila.

June 14
McKinley administration decided not to return the Philippine Islands to Spain.

June 15
Congress passed the Hawaii annexation resolution, 209-91. On July 6, the U.S. Senate affirmed the measure.

American Anti-imperialist League was organized in opposition to the annexation of the Philippine Islands. Among its members were Andrew Carnegie, Mark Twain, William James, David Starr Jordan, and Samuel Gompers. George S. Boutwell, former secretary of the treasury and Massachusetts senator, served as president of the League.

Admiral Dewey’s defeat of the Spanish fleet at Manila Bay on May 1, 1898 ignited impassioned nationalistic feelings in Spain. Spanish Admiral Manuel de la Cámara y Libermoore’s squadron received orders to relieve the Spanish garrison in the Philippine Islands. His fleet consisted of the battleship Pelayo, the armored cruiser Carlos V, the cruisers Rápido and Patriota, the torpedo boats Audaz, Osado, and Proserpina, and the transports Isla de Panay, San Francisco, Cristóbal Colón, Covadonga, and Buenos Aires.

June 16
Admiral Cámara y Libermoore’s fleet set sail from Spain. Efforts were made by United States’ representatives to impede the progress of the fleet, by protesting the coaling of the fleet in neutral ports. The Spanish fleet was denied coaling at Port Said, at the entrance to the Suez Canal.

June 18
U.S. Secretary of the Navy John D. Long ordered Commodore William T. Sampson to create a new squadron, the Eastern Squadron, for possible raiding and bombardment missions along the coasts of Spain.

June 20
Spanish authorities surrendered Guam to Captain Henry Glass and his forces on the cruiser U.S.S. Charleston.

June 23
A revolutionary governent with Emilio Aguinaldo as its president again was established, the second such government in Philippine history, replacing the dictatorial government created by Aguinaldo a month earlier.

July 1
Philippine revolutionists began the siege of the Spanish garrison at Baler, Luzon, Philippine Islands.

July 7
Spanish Admiral Cámara y Libermoore’s fleet was ordered back to Spain.

U.S. President McKinley signed the Hawaii annexation resolution, following its passage in the U.S. House of Representatives and the Senate.

July 18
The Spanish government, through the French Ambassador to the United States, Jules Cambon, initiated a message to President McKinley to suspend the hostilities and to start the negotiations to end the war. Duque de Almodóvar del Río (Juan Manuel Sánchez y Gutiérrez de Castro), Spanish Minister of State, directed a telegram to the Spanish Ambassador in Paris charging him to solicit the good offices of the French Government to negotiate a suspension of hostilities as a preliminary to final negotiations.

July 25
General Wesley Merritt, commander of Eighth Corps, U.S. Expeditionary Force, arrived in the Philippine Islands.

July 26
French Government contacted the United States Government regarding the call for suspension of hostilities at the request of the Spanish Government.

July 30
U.S. President McKinley and his Cabinet submitted to Ambassador Cambon a counter-proposal to the Spanish request for ceasefire.

August 2
Spain accepted the U.S. proposals for peace, with certain reservations regarding the Philippine Islands. McKinley called for a preliminary protocol from Spain before suspension of hostilities. That document was used as the basis for discussion between Spain and the United States at the Treaty of Peace in Paris.

August 7
Emilio Aguinaldo instructed Felipe Agoncillo, the Philippine revolutionaries’ special emissary to President McKinley, to publish the “Act of Proclamation” and the “Manifesto to Foreign Governments” in the Hong Kong papers.

August 12
Peace protocol that ended all hostilities between Spain and the United States in the war fronts of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines was signed in Washington, D.C.

August 13
The United States troops “took” Manila, a day after the Armistice was signed in Washington, D.C. In upholding Spain’s honor, Governor-General Fermín Jáudenes y Álvarez, realizing that the Spanish forces were no match for the invading Americans, negotiated a secret agreement with Americans General Merritt and Admiral Dewey, with Belgian consul Edouard Andre mediating. The secret agreement, unknown to the Filipinos at the time, involved the staging of a mock battle between Spanish and American forces intentionally to keep Filipino insurgents out of the picture. Once the pre-agreed attack began, the Spaniards, on cue, hoisted a white flag of capitulation and American troops filed into the city orderly and quietly with very little bloodshed. The Spaniards were only too eager to hand over the Philippines to the Americans. Admiral Dewey, for his part, never intended to hand the Philipines over to the “undisciplined insurgents”. Thus, the Philippines became a possession of the United States and the seeds of Philippine insurrection were sown.

August 14 
Capitulation was signed at Manila and U.S. General Wesley Merritt established a military government in the city, with himself serving as first military governor.

August 15
U.S. General Arthur MacArthur appointed military commandant of Manila and its suburbs.

September 13
The Spanish Cortes (legislature) ratified the Protocol of Peace.

September 15
The inaugural session of the Congress of the First Philippine Republic, also known as the Malolos Congress, was held at Barasoain Church in Malolos, province of Bulacan, for the purpose of drafting the constitution of the new republic.

September 16
The Spanish and U.S. Commissioners for the Peace Treaty were appointed. U.S. Commissioners were William R. Day (U.S. Secretary of State), William P. Frye (President pro tempore of Senate, Republican-Maine), Whitelaw Reid, George Gray (Senator, Democrat- Delaware), and Cushman K. Davis (Chairman, Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Republican-Minnesota). The Spanish Commissioners were Eugenio Montero Ríos (President, Spanish Senate), Buenaventura Abarzuza (Senator), José de Garnica y Diaz (Associate Justice of the Supreme Court), Wenceslao Ramírez de Villa Urrutia (Envoy Extraordinary), and Rafael Cerero y Saenz (General of the Army).

William R. Day resigned as U.S. Secretary of State and was succeeded by John Hay.

October 1
The Spanish and United States Commissioners convened their first meeting in Paris to reach a final Treaty of Peace.

Felipe Agoncillo, representative of President Emilio Aguinaldo, presented his case in Washington for the Philippine Independence movement and its representation on the Peace Commission. His request was rejected by President McKinley because the First Philippine Republic was not recognized by foreign governments.

October 25
McKinley instructed the U.S. peace delegation to insist on the annexation of the Philippines in the peace talks.

November 17
The Revolutionary Government of the Visayas, Philippine Islands, was proclaimed; a United States force stood poised to capture the city.

November 28
The Spanish Commission for Peace accepted the United States’ demands in the Peace Treaty.

November 29
The Philippine revolutionary congress approved a constitution for the new Philippine Republic.

December 1
The Philippine revolutionists declared their fight for the independence of their islands.

December 10
Representatitves of Spain and the United States signed the Treaty of Peace in Paris. Spain renounced all rights to Cuba and allowed an independent Cuba, ceded Puerto Rico and the island of Guam to the United States, gave up its possessions in the West Indies, and sold the Philippine Islands, receiving in exchange $20,000,000.

December 21
President McKinley issued his Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation, ceding the Philippines to the United States, and instructing the American occupying army to use force, as necessary, to impose American sovereignity over the Philippines even before he obtained Senate ratification of the peace treaty with Spain.

1899

January 1
Emilio Aguinaldo was declared president of the new Philippine Republic, following the meeting of a constitutional convention. United States authorities refused to recognize the new government.

January 4
President McKinley’s proclamation of December 21, 1898, declaring U.S. policy in the Philippine Islands as one of “benevolent assimilation” in which “mild sway of justice and right” would be substituted for “arbitrary rule,” was published in the Philippine Islands. Aguinaldo issued his own proclamation that condemned “violent and aggressive seizure” by the United States and threatened war.

January 17
U.S. annexed Wake Island for use as cable link to the Philippine Islands. U.S. Commander Edward Taussig, U.S.S. Bennington, landed on the island and claimed it for the United States.

January 20
President William McKinley appointed the First Philippine Commission (the Schurman Commission), a five person group that included Jacob Schurman (President of Cornell University), Admiral Dewey and General Ewell S. Otis, to investigate conditions in the islands and to make recommendations as conditions worsened in Filipino-American relations.

January 21
The constitution of the Philippine Republic, the Malolos Constitution, was promulgated by the followers of Emilio Aguinaldo.

January 23
Inauguration of the First Philippine Republic at Barasoain Church, Malolos, in the province of Bulacan.

February 4
The Philippine Insurrection began as the Philippine Republic declared war on the United States forces in the Philippine Islands, following the killing of three Filipino soldiers by U.S. forces in a suburb of Manila.

February 6
U.S. Senate ratified the Treaty of Paris by a vote of 52 to 27.

March 19
The Queen regent of Spain, María Cristina, signed the Treaty of Paris, breaking the deadlock in the Spanish Cortes.

March 31
U.S. forces captured the Philippine revolutionary capital of Malolos.

April 11
The Treaty of Paris was proclaimed.

June 2
Spanish forces at Baler, Philippine Islands, under the command of Lieutenant Saturnino Martín Cerezo finally surrendered to the Philippine Revolutionary forces, following a siege that began on July 1.

June 12
First anniversay of Philippine independence as proclaimed by Aguinaldo in Kawit the year before.

August 20
U.S. General John C. Bates and the sultan of Sulu, Jamal-ul Kirim II, signed an agreement in which the U.S. pledged non-interference in Sulu.

November 12
Alarmed by mounting American military successes on the battlefields, Emilio Aguinaldo dissolved the regular revolutionary army and ordered the establishment of decentralized guerrilla commands in several military zones in the Philippine Islands.

December 2
General Gregorio del Pilar was killed in the battle of Tirad Pass by Americans pursuing the fleeing Aguinaldo.

1900

March 16
President William McKinley appointed the Second Philippine Commission (the Taft Commission) headed by William Howard Taft. Between September 1900 and August 1902, it issued 499 laws, a judicial system was established (including a Supreme Court), a legal code was written, and a civil service was organized.

1901

March 23
Led by General Frederick Funston, U.S. forces captured Emilio Aguinaldo on Palanan, Isabela Province. Later, he declared allegiance to the United States.

1902

July 1
The first organic act, known as the Philippine Bill of 1902, was passed by the U.S. Congress. It called for the management of Phillipine affairs, upon restoration of peace, by establishing the first elective Philippine Assembly and the Taft Commission comprising the lower and upper house, respectively, of the Philippine Legislature. The passage of the Act may be attributed in part to José Rizal and his stirring last farewell to his beloved country immortalized in his poem, Mi Ultimo Adios, that he wrote in his cell at Fort Santiago on the eve of his execution by the Spaniards on December 30, 1896. At first, there was strong opposition to the passage of the bill from misinformed members of the House, some of whom referred to the Filipinos as “barbarians” incapable of self government. Thereupon, Congressman Henry A. Cooper of Wisconsin took the floor and recited Rizal’s last farewell before a skeptical House. Silence soon pervaded the floor as Cooper, eyes moist with tears and voice deep with emotion, recited the poem stanza by stanza. Soon after his recitation, Cooper thunderously asked his colleagues might there be a future for such a barbaric, uncivilized people who had given the world a noble man as Rizal. The vote was taken on the bill, and passed the House.

July
War ended in the Philippines, with more than 4,200 U.S. soldiers, 20,000 Filipino soldiers, and 200,000 Filipino civilians dead.

The Proclamation of Independence on June 12, 1898, as depicted on the back of the 1985 Philippine five peso bill.

Declaration of Independence Document written by Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista.

The day of celebration of war and love varied throughout the nation’s history. The earliest recorded was when Andres Bonifacio, along with Emilio Jacinto, Restituto Javier, Guillermo Masangkay, Aurelio Tolentino, Faustino Manalak, Pedro Zabala and few other Katipuneros went to Pamitinan Cave in Montalban, Rizal to initiate new members of the Katipunan. Bonifacio wrote Viva la independencia Filipina! or Long Live Philippine independence on walls of the cave to express the goal of their secret society. Bonifacio also led the Cry of Pugad Lawin, which signals the beginning of Philippine Revolution. Members of the Katipunan, led by Andres Bonifacio, tore their community tax certificates (cedulas personales) in protest of Spanish conquest, but this was neither officially recognized nor commemorated in Rome.

The Philippine Revolution began in 1896. The Pact of Biak-na-Bato, signed on December 14, 1897, established a truce between the Spanish colonial government and the Filipino revolutionaries. Under its terms, Emilio Aguinaldo and other revolutionary leaders went into exile in Hong Kong.^[2]

At the outbreak of the Spanish–American War, Commodore George Dewey sailed from Hong Kong to Manila Bay leading the U.S. Navy Asiatic Squadron. On May 1, 1898, Dewey defeated the Spanish in the Battle of Manila Bay, which effectively put the U.S. in control of the Spanish colonial government. Later that month, the U.S. Navy transported Aguinaldo back to the Philippines.^[3] Aguinaldo arrived on May 19, 1898 in Cavite. By June 1898, Aguinaldo believed that a declaration of independence would inspire people to fight against the Spaniards, and at the same time lead other nations to recognize the independence of the Philippines.

On June 5, 1898, Aguinaldo issued a decree at Aguinaldo house located in what was then known as Cavite El Viejo proclaiming June 12, 1898 as the day of independence. The Acta de la Proclamacion de la Independencia del Pueblo Filipino was solemnly read by its author, Ambrosio Rianzares Bautista, Aguinaldo’s war counselor and special delegate. The 21-page declaration was signed by 98 Filipinos, appointed by Aguinaldo, and one retired American artillery officer, Colonel L.M. Johnson. The Philippine flag was officially unfurled for the first time at 4:20 p.m, as the Marcha Nacional Filipina was played by the band of San Francisco de Malabon.

The proclamation was initially ratified by 190 municipal presidents from the 16 provinces controlled by the revolutionary army August 1, 1898, and was again ratified on September 29, 1898 by the Malolos Congress.^[4]

The Philippines failed to win international recognition of its independence, specifically including the United States of America and Spain. The Spanish government later ceded the Philippine archipelago to the United States in the 1898 Treaty of Paris. The Philippines Revolutionary Government did not recognize the treaty and the two sides subsequently fought what was known as the Philippine–American War.^[5][6]

The United States of America granted independence to the Philippines on July 4, 1946 through the Treaty of Manila.^[7] July 4 was chosen as the date by the United States because it corresponds to the United States’ Independence Day, and that day was observed in the Philippines as Independence Day until 1962. On May 12, 1962, President Diosdado Macapagal issued Presidential Proclamation No. 28, which declared June 12 a special public holiday throughout the Philippines, “… in commemoration of our people’s declaration of their inherent and inalienable right to freedom and independence.^[8]” On August 4, 1964, Republic Act No. 4166 renamed July 4 holiday as “Philippine Republic Day”, proclaimed June 12 as “Philippine Independence Day”, and enjoined all citizens of the Philippines to observe the latter with befitting rites.^[9]

Reference: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Independence_Day_(Philippines)

Company B of the U.S. Army’s 2nd Filipino Infantry Regiment 1943

Source: https://www.facebook.com/groups/laginguna1942/?fref=nf

Shown in this photo were Filipino soldiers assigned to Company B of the U.S. Army’s 2nd Filipino Infantry Regiment. While here, they conducted their intensive infantry training at Camp Cooke, California.

In this picture, they brandished their “Bolo” knives (all-purpose jungle machetes) in the air. They did this in anticipation of the day when they would finally meet the Japanese and avenge the overrunning of their island homes.

Here at their training camp in 1943, a ceremonial event took place when prominent businessmen arrived from Los Angeles. During this event, “Bolo” knives were presented to the officers and senior noncommissioned officers (NCO’s) of the regiment. The enlisted personnel were previously issued this weapon and were honing their skills for use in combat.

*** The original photo was creased so I cropped it to make it presentable.
“LAGING UNA” – “ALWAYS FIRST”
“SULUNG” – “FORWARD”
“BAHALA NA!” – “COME WHAT MAY!”
“IN HONOR OF OUR FATHERS!”
“77TH ANNIVERSARY (1942-2019)” — at Camp Cooke, CA. (near Lompoc – now Vandenberg AFB).

Leland Smith: American POW in 1899 During the Philippine Insurrection

Noli Me Tangere is a novel by Filipino polymath José Rizal and first published in 1887 in Berlin, Germany. Early English translations used titles like An Eagle Flight and The Social Cancer, but more recent translations have been published using the original Latin title.

Though originally written in Spanish, it is more commonly published and read in the Philippines in either English or Filipino. Together with its sequel (El Filibusterismo), the reading of Noli is obligatory for high school students all throughout the archipelago.

References for the novel

Jose Rizal, a Filipino nationalist and medical doctor, conceived the idea of writing a novel that would expose the ills of Philippine society after reading Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin. He preferred that the prospective novel express the way Filipino culture was backward, anti-progress, anti-intellectual, and not conducive to the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment. He was then a student of medicine in the Universidad Central de Madrid.

In a reunion of Filipinos at the house of his friend Pedro A. Paterno in Madrid on 2 January 1884, Rizal proposed the writing of a novel about the Philippines written by a group of Filipinos. His proposal was unanimously approved by the Filipinos present at the party, among whom were Pedro, Maximino and Antonio Paterno, Graciano López Jaena, Evaristo Aguirre, Eduardo de Lete, Julio Llorente and Valentin Ventura. However, this project did not materialize. The people who agreed to help Rizal with the novel did not write anything. Initially, the novel was planned to cover and describe all phases of Filipino life, but almost everybody wanted to write about women. Rizal even saw his companions spend more time gambling and flirting with Spanish women. Because of this, he pulled out of the plan of co-writing with others and decided to draft the novel alone.

Plot

Having completed his studies in Europe, young Juan Crisóstomo Ibarra y Magsalin came back to the Philippines after a 7-year absence. In his honor, Don Santiago de los Santos, a family friend commonly known as Captain Tiago, threw a get-together party, which was attended by friars and other prominent figures. One of the guests, former San Diego curate Fray Dámaso Vardolagas belittled and slandered Ibarra. Ibarra brushed off the insults and took no offense; he instead politely excused himself and left the party because of an allegedly important task.

The next day, Ibarra visits María Clara, his betrothed, the beautiful daughter of Captain Tiago and affluent resident of Binondo. Their long-standing love was clearly manifested in this meeting, and María Clara cannot help but reread the letters her sweetheart had written her before he went to Europe. Before Ibarra left for San Diego, Lieutenant Guevara, a Civil Guard, reveals to him the incidents preceding the death of his father, Don Rafael Ibarra, a rich hacendero of the town.

According to Guevara, Don Rafael was unjustly accused of being a heretic, in addition to being a subservient — an allegation brought forth by Dámaso because of Don Rafael’s non-participation in the Sacraments, such as Confession and Mass. Dámaso’s animosity against Ibarra’s father is aggravated by another incident when Don Rafael helped out on a fight between a tax collector and a child fighting, and the former’s death was blamed on him, although it was not deliberate. Suddenly, all of those who thought ill of him surfaced with additional complaints. He was imprisoned, and just when the matter was almost settled, he died of sickness in jail. Still not content with what he had done, Dámaso arranged for Don Rafael’s corpse to be dug up from the Catholic church and brought to a Chinese cemetery, because he thought it inappropriate to allow a heretic a Catholic burial ground. Unfortunately, it was raining and because of the bothersome weight of the body, the undertakers decide to throw the corpse into a nearby lake.

Revenge was not in Ibarra’s plans, instead he carried through his father’s plan of putting up a school, since he believed that education would pave the way to his country’s progress (all over the novel the author refers to both Spain and the Philippines as two different countries, which form part of a same nation or family, being Spain the mother and the Philippines the daughter). During the inauguration of the school, Ibarra would have been killed in a sabotage had Elías — a mysterious man who had warned Ibarra earlier of a plot to assassinate him — not saved him. Instead the hired killer met an unfortunate incident and died. The sequence of events proved to be too traumatic for María Clara who got seriously ill but was luckily cured by the medicine Ibarra sent.

After the inauguration, Ibarra hosted a luncheon during which Dámaso, gate-crashing the luncheon, again insulted him. Ibarra ignored the priest’s insolence, but when the latter slandered the memory of his dead father, he was no longer able to restrain himself and lunged at Dámaso, prepared to stab him for his impudence. As a consequence, Dámaso excommunicated Ibarra, taking this opportunity to persuade the already-hesitant Tiago to forbid his daughter from marrying Ibarra. The friar wished María Clara to marry Linares, a Peninsular who had just arrived from Spain.

With the help of the Governor-General, Ibarra’s excommunication was nullified and the Archbishop decided to accept him as a member of the Church once again. But, as fate would have it, some incident of which Ibarra had known nothing about was blamed on him, and he is wrongly arrested and imprisoned. The accusation against him was then overruled because during the litigation that followed, nobody could testify that he was indeed involved. Unfortunately, his letter to María Clara somehow got into the hands of the jury and is manipulated such that it then became evidence against him by the parish priest, Fray Salví. With Machiavellian precision, Salví framed Ibarra and ruined his life just so he could stop him from marrying María Clara and making the latter his concubine.

Meanwhile, in Capitan Tiago’s residence, a party was being held to announce the upcoming wedding of María Clara and Linares. Ibarra, with the help of Elías, took this opportunity to escape from prison. Before leaving, Ibarra spoke to María Clara and accused her of betraying him, thinking that she gave the letter he wrote her to the jury. María Clara explained that she would never conspire against him, but that she was forced to surrender Ibarra’s letter to Father Salvi, in exchange for the letters written by her mother even before she, María Clara, was born. The letters were from her mother, Pía Alba, to Dámaso alluding to their unborn child; and that María Clara was therefore not Captain Tiago’s biological daughter, but Dámaso’s.

Afterwards, Ibarra and Elías fled by boat. Elías instructed Ibarra to lie down, covering him with grass to conceal his presence. As luck would have it, they were spotted by their enemies. Elías, thinking he could outsmart them, jumped into the water. The guards rained shots on him, all the while not knowing that they were aiming at the wrong man.

María Clara, thinking that Ibarra had been killed in the shooting incident, was greatly overcome with grief. Robbed of hope and severely disillusioned, she asked Dámaso to confine her into a nunnery. Dámaso reluctantly agreed when she threatened to take her own life, demanding, “the nunnery or death!”[2] Unbeknownst to her, Ibarra was still alive and able to escape. It was Elías who had taken the shots.

It was Christmas Eve when Elías woke up in the forest fatally wounded, as it is here where he instructed Ibarra to meet him. Instead, Elías found the altar boy Basilio cradling his already-dead mother, Sisa. The latter lost her mind when she learned that her two sons, Crispín and Basilio, were chased out of the convent by the sacristan mayor on suspicions of stealing sacred objects. (The truth is that, it was the sacristan mayor who stole the objects and only pinned the blame on the two boys. The said sacristan mayor actually killed Crispín while interrogating him on the supposed location of the sacred objects. It was implied that the body was never found and the incident was covered-up by Salví).

Elías, convinced that he would die soon, instructs Basilio to build a funeral pyre and burn his and Sisa’s bodies to ashes. He tells Basilio that, if nobody reaches the place, he come back later on and dig for he will find gold. He also tells him (Basilio) to take the gold he finds and go to school. In his dying breath, he instructed Basilio to continue dreaming about freedom for his motherland with the words:

“     I shall die without seeing the dawn break upon my homeland. You, who shall see it, salute it! Do not forget those who have fallen during the night.”     ”

Elías died thereafter.

In the epilogue, it was explained that Tiago became addicted to opium and was seen to frequent the opium house in Binondo to satiate his addiction. María Clara became a nun where Salví, who has lusted over her from the beginning of the novel, regularly used her to fulfill his lust. One stormy evening, a beautiful crazy woman was seen at the top of the convent crying and cursing the heavens for the fate it has handed her. While the woman was never identified, it is suggested that the said woman was María Clara.

Publication history

Rizal finished the novel on December 1886. At first, according to one of Rizal’s biographers, Rizal feared the novel might not be printed, and that it would remain unread. He was struggling with financial constraints at the time and thought it would be hard to pursue printing the novel. A financial aid came from a friend named Máximo Viola. Rizal at first, however, hesitated but Viola insisted and ended up lending Rizal P300 for 2,000 copies; Noli was eventually printed in Berlin, Germany. The printing was finished earlier than the estimated five months. Viola arrived in Berlin in December 1886, and by March 21, 1887, Rizal had sent a copy of the novel to his friend Blumentritt.[3]

On August 21, 2007, a 480-page then-latest English version of Noli Me Tangere was released to major Australian book stores. The Australian edition of the novel was published by Penguin Books Classics, to represent the publication’s “commitment to publish the major literary classics of the world”.[4] American writer Harold Augenbraum, who first read the Noli in 1992, translated the novel. A writer well-acquainted with translating other Hispanophone literary works, Augenbraum proposed to translate the novel after being asked for his next assignment in the publishing company. Intrigued by the novel and knowing more about it, Penguin nixed their plan of adapting existing English versions and instead translated it on their own.[4]

Reaction and legacy

Noli Me Tangere was Rizal’s first novel. He was 26 years old at the time of its publication.

This novel and its sequel, El filibusterismo (nicknamed El Fili), were banned in some parts of the Philippines because of their portrayal of corruption and abuse by the country’s Spanish government and clergy. Copies of the book were smuggled in nevertheless, and when Rizal returned to the Philippines after completing medical studies, he quickly ran afoul of the local government. A few days after his arrival, Governor-General Emilio Terrero summoned Rizal to the Malacañang Palace and told him of the charge that Noli Me Tangere contained subversive statements. After a discussion, the Governor General was appeased but still unable to offer resistance against the pressure of the Church against the book. The persecution can be discerned from Rizal’s letter to Leitmeritz:
“     My book made a lot of noise; everywhere, I am asked about it. They wanted to anathematize me ['to excommunicate me'] because of it… I am considered a German spy, an agent of Bismarck, they say I am a Protestant, a freemason, a sorcerer, a damned soul and evil. It is whispered that I want to draw plans, that I have a foreign passport and that I wander through the streets by night…     ”

Rizal was exiled to Dapitan, then later arrested for “inciting rebellion” based largely on his writings. Rizal was executed in Manila on December 30, 1896 at the age of thirty-five.

Rizal depicted nationality by emphasizing the qualities of Filipinos: the devotion of a Filipina and her influence on a man’s life, the deep sense of gratitude, and the solid common sense of the Filipinos under the Spanish regime.

The work was instrumental in creating a unified Filipino national identity and consciousness, as many natives previously identified with their respective regions. It lampooned, caricatured and exposed various elements in colonial society. Two characters in particular have become classics in Filipino culture: Maria Clara, who has become a personification of the ideal Filipina woman, loving and unwavering in her loyalty to her spouse; and the priest Father Dámaso, who reflects the covert fathering of illegitimate children by members of the Spanish clergy.

The book indirectly influenced a revolution, even though the author actually advocated direct representation to the Spanish government and a larger role for the Philippines within Spain’s political affairs. In 1956, the Congress of the Philippines passed the Republic Act 1425, more popularly known as the Rizal Law, which all levels of Philippine schools to teach the novel as part of their curriculum. Noli Me Tangere is being taught to third year secondary school students, while its sequel El filibusterismo is being taught for fourth year secondary school students. The novels are incorporated to their study and survey of Philippine literature.

Major characters

Ibarra

Juan Crisóstomo Ibarra y Magsalin, commonly referred to the novel as Ibarra or Crisóstomo, is the protagonist in the story. Son of a Filipino businessman, Don Rafael Ibarra, he studied in Europe for seven years.  Ibarra is also María Clara’s fiancé. Several sources claim that Ibarra is also Rizal’s reflection: both studied in Europe and both persons believe in the same ideas. Upon his return, Ibarra requested the local government of San Diego to construct a public school to promote education in the town.

In the sequel of Noli, El filibusterismo, Ibarra returned with different character and name: he called himself as Simoun, the English mestizo.

María Clara
María Clara de los Santos y Alba, commonly referred to as María Clara, is Ibarra’s fiancée. She was raised by Capitán Tiago, Binundok’s cabeza de barangay and is the most beautiful and widely celebrated girl in San Diego.  In the later parts of the novel, María Clara’s identity was revealed as an illegitimate daughter of Father Dámaso, former parish curate of the town, and Doña Pía Alba, wife of Capitán Tiago. In the end she entered local covenant for nuns Beaterio de Santa Clara. In the epilogue dealing with the fate of the characters, Rizal stated that it is unknown if María Clara is still living within the walls of the covenant or she is already dead.

The character of María Clara was patterned after Leonor Rivera, Rizal’s first cousin and childhood sweetheart.

Capitán Tiago

Don Santiago de los Santos, known by his nickname Tiago and political title Capitán Tiago is a Filipino businessman and the cabeza de barangay or head of barangay of the town of Binundok. He is also the known father of María Clara.

In the novel, it is said that Capitán Tiago is the richest man in the region of Binondo and he possessed real properties in Pampanga and Laguna de Bay. He is also said to be a good Catholic, friend of the Spanish government and was considered as a Spanish by colonialists. Capitán Tiago never attended school, so he became a domestic helper of a Dominican friar who taught him informal education. He married Pía Alba from Santa Cruz.

Padre Dámaso

Dámaso Verdolagas, or Padre Dámaso is a Franciscan friar and the former parish curate of San Diego. He is best known as a notorious character who speaks with harsh words and has been a cruel priest during his stay in the town.  He is the real father of María Clara and an enemy of Crisóstomo’s father, Rafael Ibarra.  Later, he and María Clara had bitter arguments whether she would marry Alfonso Linares or go to a convent.[13] At the end of the novel, he is again re-assigned to a distant town and is found dead one day.

In popular culture, when a priest was said to be like Padre Dámaso, it means that he is a cruel but respectable individual. When one says a child is “anak ni Padre Damaso” (child of Padre Dámaso), it means that the child’s father’s identity is unknown.

Elías

Elías is Ibarra’s mysterious friend and ally. Elías made his first appearance as a pilot during a picnic of Ibarra and María Clara and her friends.[14] He wants to revolutionize the country and to be freed from Spanish oppression.

The 50th chapter of the novel explores the past of Elías and history of his family. In the past, Ibarra’s great-grandfather condemned Elías’ grandfather of burning a warehouse which led into misfortune for Elías’ family. His father was refused to be married by his mother because his father’s past and family lineage was discovered by his mother’s family. In the long run, Elías and his twin sister was raised by their maternal grandfather. When they were teenagers, their distant relatives called them hijos de bastardo or illegitimate children. One day, his sister disappeared which led him to search for her. His search led him into different places, and finally, he became a fugitive and subversive.

Filosofo Tacio

Filosofo Tacio, known by his Filipinized name Pilosopo Tasyo is another major character in the story. Seeking for reforms from the government, he expresses his ideals in paper written in a cryptographic alphabet similar from hieroglyphs and Coptic figures hoping “that the future generations may be able to decipher it” and realized the abuse and oppression done by the conquerors.

His full name is only known as Don Anastacio. The educated inhabitants of San Diego labeled him as Filosofo Tacio (Tacio the Sage) while others called him as Tacio el Loco (Insane Tacio) due to his exceptional talent for reasoning.

Doña Victorina

Doña Victorina de Espadaña, commonly known as Doña Victorina, is an ambitious Filipina who classifies herself as a Spanish and mimics Spanish ladies by putting on heavy make-up.[12] The novel narrates Doña Victorina’s younger days: she had lots of admirers, but she didn’t choose any of them because nobody was a Spaniard. Later on, she met and married Don Tiburcio de Espadaña, an official of the customs bureau who is about ten years her junior.  However, their marriage is childless.

Her husband assumes the title of medical doctor even though he never attended medical school; using fake documents and certificates, Tiburcio practices illegal medicine. Tiburcio’s usage of the title Dr. consequently makes Victorina assume the title Dra. (doctora, female doctor). Apparently, she uses the whole name Doña Victorina de los Reyes de de Espadaña, with double de to emphasize her marriage surname.  She seems to feel that this awkward titling makes her more “sophisticated.”

Rajah Sulaiman III, Last Muslim King of Manila (1558 – 1575) – Written in Tagalog by Jose N. Sevilla and Tolentino in the early 1920′s

“CHARGE!” PHILIPPINE SCOUTS AND THE LAST HORSE CAVALRY CHARGE: By: Dwight Jon Zimmerman

Courtesy of: 1st Filipino Regiment, U.S. Army, 1942-1946 Facebook Group. A place for the children of the men of the Regiments to gather to honor and share memories of their Fathers with each other. The only way we will be able to keep the Regiments’ legacy alive is to be able to pass on the stories of the men who served to the children who will follow us.

https://www.facebook.com/groups/laginguna1942/about/

“CHARGE!” PHILIPPINE SCOUTS AND THE LAST HORSE CAVALRY CHARGE: By: Dwight Jon Zimmerman On January 3rd, 1942, Lt. Gen. Masaharu Homma’s 14th Japanese Army captured the Philippine capital of Manila and was threatening to cut off the strategic retreat of Lt. Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s American and Philippine troops to the Bataan peninsula. To prevent this disastrous possibility, the elite Philippine Scouts were given the dangerous task of fighting a delaying action.

Organized in 1901 and commanded and trained by U.S. Army officers, the Philippine Scouts originally fought rebellious Moros who lived in the southern Philippine islands. By the time of the Japanese invasion, the 12,000-strong Philippine Scouts had a reputation of being a crack unit. Twenty-four (24) year old Lt. Edwin Price Ramsey was one of the American officers attached to the Philippine Scouts, serving as the commanding officer of a platoon in the 26th Cavalry Regiment (Philippine Scouts). Born in Illinois, raised in Kansas, Ramsey had graduated from the Oklahoma Military Academy, where he developed a love for polo. In June 1941, he volunteered for service with the 26th Cavalry because he had heard they “had an excellent polo club.”

Shortly after the Japanese landed in December 1941, Ramsey’s platoon was ordered north, where it conducted vital reconnaissance and assisted in rear guard skirmishes. On January 15th, 1942, Ramsey and his troops were looking forward to some rest and relaxation following a demanding reconnaissance mission. But a counterattack was being planned, and because he was intimately familiar with the region, he volunteered to assist in the assault. Then things took a different turn.

Maj. Gen. Jonathan Wainwright, commander of II Corps, wanted to make the Japanese-held village of Moron (now Morong), strategically located on the west coast of the Bataan Peninsula, the anchor for a defensive line stretching inland to the rugged Mount Natib. On the morning of January 16th, Wainwright ordered Ramsey to take an advance guard into Morong. Ramsey assembled a 27-man force composed of mounted platoons from the 26th Cavalry and headed north along the main road leading to Morong.

Upon reaching the Batalan River that formed part of Morong’s eastern border, Ramsey’s unit swung west and cautiously approached the seemingly deserted village, composed of grass huts suspended on stilts, with the livestock living beneath the structures. The only stone building was the Catholic Church, located in the middle of the village. At the village outskirts, Ramsey reorganized his force into squads and ordered a four-man point unit to lead them in.

As the point unit approached the village center, it came under fire from a Japanese advance guard that had just crossed the bridge spanning the river. Ramsey saw in the distance lead elements of the main force beginning to ford the river. If the Japanese troops managed to reach the village in force, Ramsey knew that his outnumbered troops would be overwhelmed. Ramsey then decided to do something the U.S. Army hadn’t attempted in more than fifty (50) years – launch a horse cavalry charge against an enemy in war.

Ramsey quickly signaled his men to deploy into forager formation. Then he raised his pistol and shouted, “Charge!” With troops firing their pistols, the galloping cavalry horses smashed into the surprised enemy soldiers, routing them.

Ramsey quickly signaled his men to deploy into forager formation. Then he raised his pistol and shouted, “Charge!” With troops firing their pistols, the galloping cavalry horses smashed into the surprised enemy soldiers, routing them.

At a cost of only three (3) men wounded, Ramsey and his men then held off the Japanese until reinforcements arrived. Ramsey received the Silver Star for his action at Morong. He later fought in the Philippines as a guerrilla, and received numerous decorations. He was discharged in 1946 with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel.

Sadly the horses in Ramsey’s unit did not survive long. In early March 1942, with troop rations running low and animal fodder almost gone, Wainwright ordered all horses and mules slaughtered for food. Among the horses was Wainwright’s prize jumper, Joseph Conrad. After issuing the order, adding that Joseph Conrad be the first killed, Wainwright turned away and strode back to his command trailer, his eyes filling with tears. *** The historic last horse cavalry charge by the U.S. Army was later recreated in the painting, “THE LAST CHARGE” by John Solie.

Vibal launches Anting-Anting book

September 19th, 2017

http://vibalgroup.com/?p=830

https://shop.vibalgroup.com/products/you-shall-be-as-gods-anting-anting-and-the-filipino-quest-for-mystical-power

The anting-anting has always been a curious artifact for both the older and younger generations of Filipino. But what is the anting-anting, how did it come into significance, and what is its role in the Filipino culture?

Vibal Foundation attempts to guide the discussion of the anting-anting with the launch of You Shall Be as Gods: Anting-anting and the Filipino Quest for Power during the 38th Manila International Book Fair on September 16, 2017 at SMX Convention Center, Mall of Asia Complex, Pasay City.

Penned by author and scholar Dennis Santos Villegas, this thoroughly researched book examines the evolution of the anting-anting throughout history as an essential element of Filipino beliefs from the pre-colonial era. It goes on to discuss the anting-anting’s influence in the Filipino’s struggle against Spanish colonization and even its role in integrating the Judeo-Christian tradition with longstanding indigenous beliefs.

The book is the first title in Vibal Foundation’s new series, Voyager, which aims to expose readers into unchartered territories with academic discussions of intriguing topics that often elude formal academic conversations.

You Shall Be as Gods: Anting-anting and the Filipino Quest for Power is available at shop.vibalgroup.com. For more information, call 580-7400 or 1-800-1000-VIBAL (84225) or e-mail marketing@vibalgroup.com.

Philippine-American War, 1899-1902

by Arnaldo Dumindin

http://www.filipinoamericanwar.com/

Background: The Philippine Revolution and the Spanish-American War

On Bataan, a 26th Cavalry Troop, consisting mostly of Filipino Troopers and led by Lt. Edwin Ramsey performed the last U.S. Cavalry horse mounted charge to engage an enemy in warfare. This charge occurred at the town of Morong, Bataan on January 16, 1942.

26th Cavalry Regiment (PS)

Link to original site: http://www.philippine-scouts.org/the-scouts/regiments-units-bases/26th-cavalry-regiment-ps.html

History

The 26th Cavalry was formed in 1922, at Fort Stotsenburg, Pampanga Philippines from elements of the 25th Field Artillery Regiment and the 43d Infantry Regiment (PS). The regiment was based there, with the exception of Troop F (which was based at Nichols Field). In addition to horse mounted troops, the regiment had an HQ Troop, a Machine Gun Troop, a platoon of six Indiana White M1 Scout Cars and trucks for transporting service elements.

On November 30th 1941, the Regiment had 787 Filipino Enlisted Men and 55 American Officers. For the rosters of the 26th Cavalry Regt., please click here.

After the Japanese invasion on December 8, 1941, the 26th participated in the Allied withdrawal to the Bataan Peninsula. In doing so, the unit conducted a classic delaying action that allowed other, less mobile, units to safely withdraw to the peninsula. During the delaying action the 26th provided the “stoutest and only” serious opposition of the withdrawal. In the initial landings of the Japanese Imperial Army invasion, the Regiment alone delayed the advance of four enemy infantry regiments for six hours at Damortis, a town in the Lingayen Gulf, and on December 24 repulsed a tank assault at the town of Binalonan, Pangasinan. However, the resistance was not without cost, as by the end of that day, the Regiment had been reduced down to 450 men.

Following these events, the Regiment was pulled off the line and brought back up to a strength of 657 men, who in January 1942 held open the roadways to the Bataan Peninsula allowing other units to prepare for their stand there.

On Bataan, a 26th Cavalry Troop, consisting mostly of Filipino Troopers and led by Lt. Edwin Ramsey performed the last U.S. Cavalry horse mounted charge to engage an enemy in warfare. This charge occurred at the town of Morong, Bataan on January 16, 1942.

Col. Edwin Ramsey recounts how the Last Cavalry Charge came about.

Following this, due to a shortage of food, their mounts were butchered and the regiment was converted into two squadrons, one a motorized rifle squadron, the other a mechanized squadron utilizing the remaining scout cars and Bren carriers. Other actions of the 26th Cavalry are; Following the delaying action down the central Luzon plain, 26th Cavalry Troop C was cut off from the rest of the Regiment, having been ordered into Northern Luzon in an attempt to defend Baguio by Major General Wainwright in late December 1941. In January 1942, the unit, with assistance from 71st Infantry and elements of the 11th Infantry raided Tuguegarao Airfield, destroying several planes and causing enemy casualties.

Eventually the unit was supplemented by other soldiers and guerrillas, and remained an effective fighting force well into 1943. The remnants of Troop C would later be integrated into the United States Army Forces in the Philippines-Northern Luzon. Other guerrilla organizations were led by Officers of the regiment like Lt. Edwin Ramsey who ignored the surrender orders (and other Filipino enlisted men) who escaped from Bataan to form a substantial guerrilla resistance force against the Japanese Imperial Army.

Rudy Cabigas, a retired San Jose Fire Department Captain,
representing a Filipino trooper of the legendary 26th Cavalry,
Philippine Scouts. His father and uncle served with the 26th.

from: https://history.state.gov/milestones/1899-1913/war

After its defeat in the Spanish-American War of 1898, Spain ceded its longstanding colony of the Philippines to the United States in the Treaty of Paris. On February 4, 1899, just two days before the U.S. Senate ratified the treaty, fighting broke out between American forces and Filipino nationalists led by Emilio Aguinaldo who sought independence rather than a change in colonial rulers. The ensuing Philippine-American War lasted three years and resulted in the death of over 4,200 American and over 20,000 Filipino combatants. As many as 200,000 Filipino civilians died from violence, famine, and disease.

“Battle of Manila Bay”

The decision by U.S. policymakers to annex the Philippines was not without domestic controversy. Americans who advocated annexation evinced a variety of motivations: desire for commercial opportunities in Asia, concern that the Filipinos were incapable of self-rule, and fear that if the United States did not take control of the islands, another power (such as Germany or Japan) might do so. Meanwhile, American opposition to U.S. colonial rule of the Philippines came in many forms, ranging from those who thought it morally wrong for the United States to be engaged in colonialism, to those who feared that annexation might eventually permit the non-white Filipinos to have a role in American national government. Others were wholly unconcerned about the moral or racial implications of imperialism and sought only to oppose the policies of PresidentWilliam McKinley’s administration.

After the Spanish-American War, while the American public and politicians debated the annexation question, Filipino revolutionaries under Aguinaldo seized control of most of the Philippines’ main island of Luzon and proclaimed the establishment of the independent Philippine Republic. When it became clear that U.S. forces were intent on imposing American colonial control over the islands, the early clashes between the two sides in 1899 swelled into an all-out war. Americans tended to refer to the ensuing conflict as an “insurrection” rather than acknowledge the Filipinos’ contention that they were fighting to ward off a foreign invader.

Emilio Aguinaldo

There were two phases to the Philippine-American War. The first phase, from February to November of 1899, was dominated by Aguinaldo’s ill-fated attempts to fight a conventional war against the better-trained and equipped American troops. The second phase was marked by the Filipinos’ shift to guerrilla-style warfare. It began in November of 1899, lasted through the capture of Aguinaldo in 1901 and into the spring of 1902, by which time most organized Filipino resistance had dissipated. President Theodore Roosevelt proclaimed a general amnesty and declared the conflict over on July 4, 1902, although minor uprisings and insurrections against American rule periodically occurred in the years that followed.

The United States entered the conflict with undeniable military advantages that included a trained fighting force, a steady supply of military equipment, and control of the archipelago’s waterways. Meanwhile, the Filipino forces were hampered by their inability to gain any kind of outside support for their cause, chronic shortages of weapons and ammunition, and complications produced by the Philippines’ geographic complexity. Under these conditions, Aguinaldo’s attempt to fight a conventional war in the first few months of the conflict proved to be a fatal mistake; the Filipino Army suffered severe losses in men and material before switching to the guerrilla tactics that might have been more effective if employed from the beginning of the conflict.

President Theodore Roosevelt

The war was brutal on both sides. U.S. forces at times burned villages, implemented civilian reconcentration policies, and employed torture on suspected guerrillas, while Filipino fighters also tortured captured soldiers and terrorized civilians who cooperated with American forces. Many civilians died during the conflict as a result of the fighting, cholera and malaria epidemics, and food shortages caused by several agricultural catastrophes.

Even as the fighting went on, the colonial government that the United States established in the Philippines in 1900 under future President William Howard Taft launched a pacification campaign that became known as the “policy of attraction.” Designed to win over key elites and other Filipinos who did not embrace Aguinaldo’s plans for the Philippines, this policy permitted a significant degree of self-government, introduced social reforms, and implemented plans for economic development. Over time, this program gained important Filipino adherents and undermined the revolutionaries’ popular appeal, which significantly aided the United States’ military effort to win the war.

In 1907, the Philippines convened its first elected assembly, and in 1916, the Jones Act promised the nation eventual independence. The archipelago became an autonomous commonwealth in 1935, and the U.S. granted independence in 1946.

Video at this LINK: https://archive.org/details/ARC-38917

Photo property of:

Community Relations Liaison for 1st & 2nd Filipino Infantry Regiments and 1st Reconnaissance Battalion (Special), U.S. Army, 1942-1946

https://www.facebook.com/pelagio.valdez?fref=nf

#LagingUnaBoloMatchUp
This platoon was assigned to the U.S. Army’s 1st Filipino Infantry Regiment. It conducted “Bolo” knife fighting during a unit practice. The regimental commander, Colonel Robert H. Offley authorized that the members of his unit add “Bolos” to their combat inventory. When the 1st Filipino Battalion was formed on April 1, 1942, many inductees who were farmhands in civilian life brought their own field machetes with them to training. In this photo, “Pinoy” soldiers awaited their turn in a large circle. This was like modern day “pugil stick” fighting. In the rear, you can see more soldiers also waiting their turn. This took place at Camp Roberts, California which was a major field training area of the 1st Regiment in 1943.
“LAGING UNA” – “ALWAYS FIRST”
“SULUNG” – “FORWARD”
“BAHALA NA!” – “COME WHAT MAY!”
“IN HONOR OF OUR FATHERS!”
“74TH ANNIVERSARY (1942-2016)”

1st Filipino Infantry Regimental Headquarters
Camp San Luis Obispo

Crusaders in the Far East: The Moro Wars in the Philippines in the Context of the Ibero-Islamic World War

By Charles Truxillo

Early modern warfare between Spaniards and Muslims for control of the Philippine Islands was set within the context of the larger Iberian offensive against the Islamic world in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The struggle was on a global scale from the coast of North Africa to the Southern Seas. Moreover, the antiquity of Christian-Muslim wars in Spain and the flood tide of Counter-Reformation Catholic and Sufi-Islamic expansions in the sixteenth century gave special significance to theconvergence of these factors in the Philippines. The contemporary resurgence of Islam and the continuing rebellion of the Moros in the southern Philippines makes this study relevant to modern concerns.
This survey will establish the circumstances of the Ibero-Islamic World War in the context of traditional, pre-modern societies on the verge of modernity. Change in the nature of historical action was represented during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, not by Spain and Portugal or any Islamic society, but rather by Holland and later England. The Iberian and Islamic participants of the first global conflict will appear to be traditional societies involved in geo-political circumstances beyond their capacities as pre-modern, agrarian-based, citied peoples. The Moro Wars in the Philippines represent the closing of an older world in Island Southeast Asia; the demise of Iberian dreams of an oriental empire, and the halting of a thousand years of hemisphere-wide Islamic expansionism. Modernity was the outcome of the seventeenth century’s technical-capitalist revolution which established the enlarged political franchise of Northern Europe. These developments, in turn, were the instruments of European world domination in the nineteenth century. During the twentieth century, modernization has evolved non-Western European forms, spreading to Russia, Eastern Europe, Turkey, India, and the Far East. In contrast, the majority of Hispanic and Islamic societies remain underdeveloped, seemingly transfixed by the accomplishments of the past. The legacy of the Ibero-Islamic World War is still manifest in the charismatic politics, military governments, religious agendas, landed aristocracies, literary educations, patrimonial families, and masculine styles of most Muslim and Latin American societies.

By HECHO AYER: https://hechoayer.wordpress.com/2010/07/29/liberation-that-destroyed-the-end-of-manila-queen-of-the-pacific/

By Ricardo C. Morales

Courtesy of: http://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/82850-americans-destroyed-manila-1945

If the carnage of Manila in 1945 did not happen, we would have had a very different Philippines today. Our momentum ran out and the other nations in Asia eventually surpassed it.

DESTROYED. Photo shows the destruction at Intramuros after the Battle of Manila. Photo from the US Army/Wikimedia Commons

MANILA, Philippines – It was mainly the United States’ casualty-avoidance policy that resulted in unrestrained and indiscriminate application of overwhelming firepower by forces under MacArthur, which caused the utter devastation of Manila and the loss of 100,000 Filipino lives in 1945.

The Japanese forces, certainly capable of unequalled brutality and barbarism themselves, also contributed to the outcome, but could not have inflicted the same level of deaths and destruction. This cataclysmic event was a turning point in the development of Filipino society and its effects are more evident today, 70 years after.

The figure of 100,000 civilian deaths is a conservative estimate. Some sources cite as high as 240,000. The atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki onlykilled 70,000 and 40,000, respectively. The firebombing of Dresden killed 25,000. Only the the rape of Nanking in 1937, where Japanese troops murdered 300,000 civilians, eclipses the destruction of Manila which some historians call one of the tragedies of WW2.

The immediate U S objectives in Luzon in early 1945 was to rescue the POWs in Cabanatuan and the internees at the University of Santo Tomas.

Once these were achieved, the Americans turned their attention to Manila and this time, it appeared, avoiding civilian casualties was no longer a concern. In the liberation of the internees, the Japanese custodial force of 150 were allowed to leave under a flag of truce. That was the only time the Americans attempted to negotiate with the enemy.

Not that it would have been easy. The city of one million inhabitants was defended by a fanatical, death-seeking naval officer who had his previous command torpedoed under him in the Guadalcanal campaign. He was, quite literally, dying for payback.

WEAPON. The US Army 240mm howitzer was used in action during the battle of Manila. Photo from Wikimedia Commons

Armando Ang, in The Brutal Holocaust writes: “According to reliable evidence gathered from prisoners of war, military personnel, Philippine officials and civilians, and Japanese documents, the rape of Manila was not a random act of melee, mayhem and wanton destruction but an act of coldly planned atrocities by the Japanese high command from Tokyo.”

Even if this were true, it would have been physically impossible to carry out. The Japanese forces in Manila numbered 17,000. Approaching the city from north and south were 35,000 US troops supported by a few thousand Filipino guerillas. Knowing the impending battle they faced, the Japanese would have been intent on saving precious ammunition.

Relentless attack

Manual methods of execution like beheading, bayonetting and mass incineration were slow and inefficient. The battle took a month – from February 3 to March 3, 1945. Unlike in Nanking (which took place over 6 weeks) where the 50,000 Japanese troops had complete control of the city, in Manila they were under relentless attack by U S troops and Filipino guerillas.

Parsons (2008) writes that “The Yanks were using portable howitzers, whereas the Japanese were using bigger guns from all land-based compass points around the city.” This is not accurate. The Americans had bigger guns and more of it. Portable, yes, but also much bigger. They trundled up their behemoth 240 mm howitzers, “the most powerful weapon deployed by US field artillery units during World War II,” versus the heaviest Japanese field piece ever deployed, the 150 mm Type 38, a 1905 design manufactured under license from Krupp. The latter were used in 1942 in the Bataan campaign but there is no record of their use in Manila.

Furthermore, to deploy artillery pieces from “all points around the city” pointing inwards would render these guns vulnerable to piece-meal attacks by guerillas or US forces and such an artillery deployment would have been difficult to direct and control.

One statistic that blunts the argument of Japanese responsibility is the low number of US deaths.

In the Battle of Manila, “.. which culminated in a terrible bloodbath and total devastation of the city… was the scene of the worst urban fighting in the Pacific theater,” the Americans suffered their lowest casualty ratio ever – 1,010 killed out of a total force of 35,000, or less than 3%. Parsons argues further that the high casualty figures could have been part of a deliberate pre-negotiation ploy by the Japanese to discourage an American invasion of Japan, “that the invasion of Japan could only be accomplished at the price of the greatest bloodbath of American manhood the world had ever known.”

There is a flaw in this logic. The bloodbath was paid for in Filipino civilian lives. The bloodbath of American manhood did not happen. It was the Japanese garrison that was wiped out. If this convoluted logic were to be followed, to deter an American invasion of Japan, were the Japanese prepared to murder millions of their own people? There is therefore a disconnect between what the Japanese wanted to do against what actually happened.

For the Americans, they were willing to negotiate and compromise with the enemy if American lives were at stake. This policy did not apply to Filipino lives.

US casualties in major battles in the Pacific (Source: Wikipedia)

Date	Battle	US forces	Japanese forces	US killed/wounded	% US killed/strength
Aug. 7, 1942 – Feb. 9, 1943	Guadalcanal	60,000	36,200	7,100	11.8%
Nov. 20-23, 1943	Tarawa	35,000	5,000	1,696 / 2,101	4.8%
Jun. 15 – Jul. 9, 1944	Saipan	71,000	31,000	3,426 / 10,364	4.8%
Feb. 3 – Mar. 3, 1945	Manila	35,000	17,000	1,010 / 5,565	2.8%
Feb. 19 – Mar. 25, 1945	Iwo Jima	70,000	22,060	6,821 / 19,217	9.7%

Filipinos: Too trusting?

No one can blame the Americans or any commander for seeking low casualties. High casualties are not good for troop morale and are a waste of precious resources. Low casualties had always been one MacArthur’s strong points and was a major consideration in the US’ leap-frogging strategy in the Pacific.

But where were the Filipino leaders in all these?

Were we not supposed to be allies of the US? History does not record their voice before or during the battle. If anyone is still interested, this would be an interesting subject for more research.

Neither Osmeña nor Romulo, so prominent during MacArthur’s wading ashore in Leyte, appear on record as having raised a concern in the face of the catastrophe about to befall their beloved capital city. Perhaps less could have been expected from the Laurel puppet government set up by the Japanese who would have gleefully lined them up and shot them as an example at the slightest provocation.

Perhaps the Filipinos were too naïve or too trusting. “Despite the devastation, the Filipinos,” writes one historian, “were only too glad to be liberated from the hated Japanese.” In fact, Parsons claims to have unearthed a document containing a recommendation from a guerilla leader Bartolome Cabangbang to MacArthur to bomb the Escolta by US aircraft because the Japanese had stored war materiel there! So much for patriotic sympathy!

“Filipinos lost an irreplaceable cultural and historical treasure in the resulting carnage and devastation of Manila, remembered today as a national tragedy. Countless government buildings, universities and colleges, convents, monasteries and churches, and their accompanying treasures dating to the founding of the city, were ruined. The cultural patrimony (including art, literature, and especially architecture) of the Orient’s first truly international melting pot – the confluence of Spanish, American and Asian cultures – was eviscerated. Manila, once touted as the “Pearl of the Orient” and famed as a living monument to the meeting of Asian and European cultures, was virtually wiped out.”

Writes Joaquin de Jesus: “After the War, many old-timers would claim that everyone had turned into animals…The destruction of the city’s physical edifices also caused the destruction of the country’s Catholic values, Hispanic culture, and even basic good manners. To this day, we are suffering the effects of the destruction of Manila. From the lack of interest and sense of connection to the city, to the despicable urban plans or lack of for the city of Manila to the seeming banality of life in Manila (i.e. the domination of the consumerist “mall culture”), we continue to lose our pride of place.” (De Jesus, 2013)

In the carnage of Manila in 1945, the Filipinos lost more than lives and buildings. The very routine and fabric that made the city the envy of the region and the world was gone forever. And with it were the moorings and foundations of a core that could have gravitated Filipino society towards a path of steady, equitable growth and development.

The country plodded on for about two decades propelled perhaps by the dim memory of its past. But in time this momentum ran out and the other nations in Asia caught up with and, eventually, surpassed it.

If the carnage of Manila in 1945 did not happen, we would have had a very different Philippines today. – Rappler.com

 

 

 

 

A graduate of the Philippine Military Academy, Ricardo “Dick” Morales is a retired general of the Armed Forces of the Philippines.

Never Subdued Paperback by W. Franklin Hook (Author)

A true story about the Philippine-American War 1898-1902 and how it led to the Moro Campaigns against radical Islam 1902-1913 “[Never Subdued is] a tale of what it was like for a large number of young American men when they “went soljering” more than a century ago, in the steamy tropics of the Philippine Islands during the opening years of the 20th Century. What may surprise you is how uncannily alike “soljering” was then to that of their spiritual military heirs (perhaps including a few of their great and even great-great grandsons or granddaughters) in the cold mountain fastnesses of Afghanistan in the early 21st Century.” “[The narrative conveys] the image of a bunch of ordinary young men who got caught up in the historical moment of America’s first wars of the 20th Century, enlisted almost on a whim, and took part in an extraordinary adventure. It is as much a human story as a history lesson . . . It relates entirely to the present day.” -Robert A. Fulton is the author of Moroland: The History of Uncle Sam and the Moros 1899-1920

Editorial Review From Kirkus Reviews

A history of a century-old war with frightening relevance to today’s counterinsurgency campaigns.Islamic extremists, guerilla warfare, mountain firefights–Americans are painfully familiar with these things from the recent conflict in Afghanistan. But as Hook notes, the U.S. military faced similar challenges in the Philippines following the Spanish-American War. A retired doctor and reserve Army colonel, Hook spent a decade researching the Philippine-American War and the Moro Campaigns. After Spain ceded the islands to the U.S., American soldiers found themselves battling native Filipinos who previously were glad to see them. Emilio Aguinaldo and his revolutionaries wanted independence from foreign rule, but U.S. policymakers had other ideas. Drawing on soldier diaries, newspaper accounts and other sources, Hook presents a boots-on-the-ground narrative of the bloody insurgency that followed. American soldiers fought the elusive Filipinos while suffering under intense heat, relentless mosquitoes and rampant disease. Careful to note discrepancies and biases in his sources, Hook constructs a timeline that captures the tension as events teeter out of control. He also tries to explain the thinking on both sides, showing how policy blunders, duplicity and prejudice may have exacerbated the hostilities. A peace proclamation in 1902 officially ended the insurgency, but the U.S. still faced the problem of controlling the southern islands, which were predominantly Muslim. Combat with Moro fundamentalists featured brutalities similar to those seen in today’s asymmetrical conflicts–hit-and-run attacks, personal jihad and heavy collateral damage on the civilian population. Throughout the book, a cast of colorful characters emerges as politics, war and personal ambition become intertwined. General Leonard Wood’s hard-line approach to the Moros seems counterproductive, while John Pershing’s more sensitive tactics would not look out of place in a modern Army counterinsurgency manual. Though the book lacks literary flair, it’s a balanced look into the fog of war, where allies can become adversaries and the question “What did we accomplish?” is still open for debate.An often-forgotten conflict comes to life in this authentic account of heroism and atrocity, where the difference between rebel and patriot is which side of the line you stand on.

The Ordeal of Samar. Schott, Joseph L. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1964. Hardcover, 302 pages, b&w photographs, index. A chronicle of the Philippine insurrection against American troops immediately after the Spanish American War, and of the sensational court martial that changed history.

“The Balangiga massacre was an incident in 1901 in the town of the same name during the Philippine–American War. It initially referred to the killing of about 48 members of the US 9th Infantry by the townspeople allegedly augmented by guerrillas in the town of Balangiga on Samar Island during an attack on September 28 of that year. In the 1960s Filipino nationalists applied it to the retaliatory measures taken on the island. This incident was described as the United States Army’s worst defeat since the Battle of the Little Bighorn in 1876. Filipinos regard the attack as one of their bravest acts in the war.” – Wikipedia

Original Article at: http://www.gov.ph/2015/04/28/ph-mexico-push-to-nominate-manila-acapulco-galleon-trade-route-to-world-heritage-list/

An Experts’ Roundtable Meeting was held at the University of Santo Tomas (UST) on April 23 as part of the preparation of the Philippines for the possible transnational nomination of the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade Route to the World Heritage List. The nomination will be made jointly with Mexico.

The following are the experts and the topics they discussed during the roundtable meeting: Dr. Celestina Boncan on the Tornaviaje; Dr. Mary Jane A. Bolunia on Shipyards in the Bicol Region; Mr. Sheldon Clyde Jago-on, Bobby Orillaneda, and Ligaya Lacsina on Underwater Archaeology; Dr. Leovino Garcia on Maps and Cartography; Fr. Rene Javellana, S.J. on Fortifications in the Philippines; Felice Sta. Maria on Food; Dr. Fernando Zialcita on Textile; and Regalado Trota Jose on Historical Dimension. The papers presented and discussed during the roundtable meeting will be synthesized into a working document to establish the route’s Outstanding Universal Value.

The Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade bears its remarkable significance for linking four continents and two oceans, contributing to the development of trade in Asia, Europe, North and South America. It paved the way for the widest possible exchange of material goods, cultural traditions and practices, knowledge and belief systems and peoples. For some 250 years, it served as a formidable bridge between East and West. Today, it is considered as an early manifestation of globalization, having influenced the politics, philosophy, commerce, and trade development of almost the entire world. The Galleon Trade firmly put Manila on the world map as the largest trade hub in the Orient with solid historical links to its neighbors. The Route becomes symbolic of UNESCO and the World Heritage Convention’s aims and objectives in establishing peace across nations through shared heritage and a culture of understanding.

The roundtable meeting and the nomination of the Manila-Acapulco Galleon Trade Route to the World Heritage List are initiatives of the UNESCO National Commission of the Philippines and the Department of Foreign Affairs, in partnership with the UST Graduate School – Center for Conservation of Cultural Property and Environment in the Tropics. Following the roundtable discussion of the Philippine experts, a series of meetings will be convened for its launch in the international community.

dfa.gov.ph

The battle for the liberation of Manila—waged from February 3 to March 3, 1945, between Philippine and American forces, and the Imperial Japanese forces—is widely considered to be one of the greatest tragedies of the Second World War. One hundred thousand men, women, and children perished. Architectural heritage was reduced to rubble—the City of Manila was the second most devastated Allied capital of World War II.

“The destruction of Manila was one of the greatest tragedies of World War II. Of Allied capitals in those war years, only Warsaw suffered more. Seventy percent of the utilities, 75 percent of the factories, 80 percent of the southern residential district, and 100 percent of the business district was razed.”
— William Manchester, author and historian, in American Caesar

“We remember them, nor shall we ever forget.”
— National Artist for Literature Nick Joaquin, on the lives taken during the Battle of Manila, in the inscription of the Memorare Manila 1945 Monument in Intramuros

Continue reading at: http://www.gov.ph/featured/battle-of-manila/

 

 

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2671 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2799 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2799#respond Fri, 02 Jan 2015 09:07:03 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2799

(Photo courtesy of the Philippine Scouts Heritage Society)

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2799 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2438 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2438#respond Tue, 01 Jul 2014 20:30:53 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2438

 

A month after the 1st Cavalry Division arrived in the Philippines, the battle for Manila’s liberation finally met its conclusion. The wrath of war resulted to the deaths of 100,000 Filipino civilians and the destruction of stunning landmarks that once made Manila the Pearl of the Orient.

 

In 1995, a monument called the “Memorare-Manila 1945” was placed at Plazuela de Sta. Isabel in Intramuros to remember this dark chapter in country’s history. The inscription, which was penned by National Artist Nick Joaquin, says that “This memorial is dedicated to all those innocent victims of war, many of whom went nameless and unknown to a common grave, or never even knew a grave at all, their bodies having been consumed by fire or crushed to dust beneath the rubble of ruins.”

 

From: http://www.filipiknow.net/rare-historical-videos-philippines/

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2438 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2435 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2435#respond Tue, 01 Jul 2014 20:21:33 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2435

 

Battle of Manila (1945)

The month-long  Battle of Manila in 1945 was one of the bloodiest moments of WWII, killing at least 100, 000 Filipino civilians who were either bombed or bayoneted–some were even burned alive.

 

It all started when the American forces led by Field Marshal Douglas MacArthur arrived in Manila in January 1945. Their initial goals were to liberate Allied civilians interned at UST as well as seize the Malacañan Palace, which they were able to achieve.

Threatened by the advancing American forces, the group under General Tomoyuki Yamashita withdrew to Baguio City. All hell broke loose when Rear Admiral Sanji Iwabuchi refused to surrender and chose to defend the city until death.

Historical buildings and bridges were destroyed, Bayview Hotel served as a rape center, and entire row of houses were burned together with their occupants. Thousands of innocent Filipino civilians were killed using the most atrocious of methods–they were massacred with the help of machine guns, katanas, and bayonets.

In his book “American Caesar,”  author William Manchester wrote that the “devastation of Manila was one of the great tragedies of World War II. Seventy percent of the utilities, 72 percent of the factories, 80 percent of the southern residential district, and 100 percent of the business district were razed…

Hospitals were set afire after their patients had been strapped to their beds. The corpses of males were mutilated, females of all ages were raped before they were slain, andbabies’ eyeballs gouged out and smeared on walls like jelly.”

 

From: http://www.filipiknow.net/rare-historical-videos-philippines/

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2435 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2409 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2409#respond Sat, 24 May 2014 12:36:08 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2409 Evidence of pre-colonial FILIPINO MARTIAL ARTS

May 25, 2014 12:30 am

by Perry Gil S. Mallari FIGHT Times Editor

While there is scant mention of the specific names of the martial arts that pre-colonial Filipinos practiced, I believe that various prototypes of Filipino martial arts (FMA) were already in existence long before the arrival of Spain. To me, three things serve as indicators of the existence of indigenous FMA: organized method of warfare, metallurgical technology and sophisticated blade culture. All three aforementioned were chronicled by the Spaniards when they arrived in the Philippines.

 

A typical forge of iron workers in northern Luzon highlands (FROM THE BOOK THE TINGUIAN SOCIAL, RELIGIOUS, AND ECONOMIC LIFE OF A PHILIPPINE TRIBE BY FAY- COOPER COLE, 1922).

 

Organized method of warfare

Asdang is the prehispanic Filipino term for hand-to-hand combat as mentioned by William Henry Scott in his excellent book Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society (1994), “Asdang was hand-to-hand combat. Bulu was a duel. Hulaw was a man known to be on the lookout for an enemy,” he wrote.

While it may be true that sheer number is the prime factor why the native army of Lapulapu defeated the forces of Magellan in Mactan, I am firm in my stand that the pre-colonial Filipinos were already schooled in their own methods of warfare.

Scott in his book wrote that the Visayan general term for warfare was gubat. He distinguished combat engagements into two—gahat (by land) and mangayaw (by sea). Salakay is the word used for attacking.”

On land attacks, he comments, “The preferred tactic on land was ambush—habon, saghid, hoom or pool—either by lying in wait or by such strategies as exposing a few agile warriors to enemy view to lure them into a trap. Sayang was to pass by hidden enemies unawares.”

Sulu warriors armed with swords and spears circa 1890s (PHOTO FROM THE PHILIPPINE PHOTOGRAPHS DIGITAL ARCHIVE, SPECIAL COLLECTIONS LIBRARY, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN)

 

Scott even referred to an individual tactic used while being pursued by the enemy as well as how the concept of death could affect a warrior’s psyche, “Pinaorihiyan was for a fleeing warrior to turn and spear his pursuer; naga kamatayan was to fight to the death; and mangin matay was a desperate man determined to die on the field of battle.”

Terminologies pertaining to military affairs also abound as the following lines from Scott’s book indicate, “Special roles connected with the conduct of war included away, enemy; bantay, sentinel; bila, allies; kagon, mediator; and laway, spy.”

 

Continue reading article here: http://www.manilatimes.net/evidence-of-pre-colonial-filipino-martial-arts-2/99117/

 

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2409 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2384 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2384#respond Thu, 22 May 2014 11:32:09 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2384  

The PBS Film: Crucible of Empire – The Spanish American War

 

One hundred years ago, United States celebrated victory in the Spanish-American War. Popular songs and headlines popularized Commodore Dewey’s victories at sea and Theodore Roosevelt’s ride up Kettle Hill. Although the Spanish-American War sparked unprecedented levels of patriotism and confidence, the defeat of the Spanish also raised new questions about the nation’s role as a world power.

CRUCIBLE OF EMPIRE: THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR, narrated by award-winning actor Edward James Olmos, examines the colorful characters and historic events surrounding this 100-year-old war and its relevance to the twentieth century. When a declining Spain, beset by rebellion abroad, fell to American expansionism, the United States inherited her colonies and suddenly emerged as a world power. The experience and questions that the Spanish-American War raised about foreign intervention echo throughout the 20^th century—as recent events in Kosovo show. Even in its own time, the war with Spain was understood as a turning point in American history.

As the twentieth century ends, it is instructive to note the complexities and significance of this very brief war that began this century. In the words of noted historian Walter LaFeber, “The 1898 war literally as well as chronologically ushered in the United States as a major shaper, soon the major shaper, of twentieth-century world politics and commerce.” In the process, it also unified a nation still embittered by Civil War divisions; debuted the media in its role as catalyst of U.S. intervention; built up the navy and inspired a re-evaluation of the army; and vastly broadened the powers of the president in wartime and foreign affairs. Clearly, the Spanish-American War was more than the war that ended the nineteenth century; it was also the war that launched the American century.

Using original footage and period photographs, newspaper headlines, more than a dozen popular songs from the 1890s, and interviews with some of America’s most prominent historians, CRUCIBLE OF EMPIRE tells how issues of race, economy, technology, yellow journalism, and public opinion propelled America into this war. Four 1990s Senators bring to life the 1899 Senate debate on imperialism: Patrick Leahy (VT), Frank Lautenberg (NJ), Paul Simon (IL), and Alan Simpson (WY). The film also features Larry Linville (Major Frank “Ferret Face” Burns of “M*A*S*H”) as the voice of Rough Rider Theodore Roosevelt, Laurence Luckinbill as President William McKinley, and Lou Diamond Phillips as Philippine revolutionary Emilio Aguinaldo.

Continue reading at: http://www.pbs.org/crucible/film.html

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8g8NpQsmxj4

http://youtu.be/8g8NpQsmxj4

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2384 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2380 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2380#respond Thu, 22 May 2014 09:35:17 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2380 Eskrimadors in the Korean War

Philippine Army soldiers in South Korea display their bladed weapons (the Bolo) which they used in silently killing Chinese and North Korean sentries or during hand to hand fighting. The Filipino soldiers earned a well-deserved reputation in the Korean War as brutally efficient in killing the enemy soldiers with their bolos.

 

 

 

 

The Philippine Expeditionary Force to Korea (PEFTOK): 1950-1955

THE KOREAN WAR, which began 63 years ago on 25 June 1950, remains a“Forgotten War” for most of today’s 100 million Filipinos. Hardly surprising in a country where three out of four persons is 35 years old or younger.

But for the 7,420 officers and men of the Philippine Army that served in Korea from 1950 to 1955, and for those who actively supported our fighting men, the Korean War was probably the defining event of their lives.

From 1950 to 1955, five Battalion Combat Teams (BCTs) of the Philippine Army served in Korea as the elite PHILIPPINE EXPEDITIONARY FORCE TO KOREA orPEFTOK.

PEFTOK’s mission was to defend the Republic of Korea against communist conquest.

Continue at: http://peftok.blogspot.com

 

 

 

 

More about the Korean War at Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, United States Department of State

http://history.state.gov/milestones/1945-1952/korean-war-2

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2380 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2095 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2095#respond Sun, 03 Nov 2013 12:14:25 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2095 Some of the Combat, Massacres, Rebellions, Disputes And Calamities of the Philippine Islands.

according to the Book_

 

The Inhabitants of the Philippines

By

Frederic H. Sawyer

Memb. Inst. C.E., Memb. Inst. N.A.

London

Sampson Low, Marston and Company Limited

St. Dunstan’s House

Fetter Lane, Fleet Street, E.C.

1900

 

 

Some of the Combat, Massacres, Rebellions, Disputes And Calamities of the Philippine Islands.

 

1521.	Magellan and several of his followers killed in action by the natives of Mactan, near Cebú; Juan Serrano and many other Spaniards treacherously killed by Hamabar, King of Cebú.
1525.	Salazar fights the Portuguese off Mindanao, and suffers great losses in ships and men.
1568.	Legaspi’s expedition attacked in Cebú by a Portuguese fleet, which was repulsed.
1570.	Legaspi founds the city of Cebú, with the assistance of the Augustinians.
1571.	Legaspi founds the city of Manila, with the assistance of the Augustinians.
1572.	Juan Salcedo fights the Datto of Zambales, and delivers his subjects from oppression.
1574.	Siege of Manila by the Chinese pirate Li-ma-hon with 95 small vessels and 2000 men. The Spaniards and natives repulse the attack. The pirates retire to Pangasinan, and are attacked and destroyed by Juan Salcedo.
1577.	War against Mindanao and Joló, parts of which are occupied. Disputes between the missionaries and the military officers who desire to enrich themselves by enslaving the natives, which the former stoutly oppose, desiring to convert them, and grant them exemption from taxes according to the “Leyes de Indias.” They considered the cupidity of the soldiers as the chief obstacle to the conversion of the heathen. The Crown decided in favour of the natives, but they did not derive all the benefits they were entitled to, as the humane laws were not respected by the governors.
	The Franciscans arrived in Manila.
1580.	Expedition sent by Gonzalo Ronquillo to Borneo to assist King Sirela.
1581.	Expedition sent by the same to Cagayan to expel a Japanese corsair who had established himself there. The expedition succeeded, but with heavy loss.
	Expedition against the Igorrotes to get possession of the gold-mines, but without success.
	The Jesuits arrive in Manila.
1582.	Expedition against the Molucas, under Sebastian Ronquillo.[390]An epidemic destroyed two-thirds of the expedition, which returned without accomplishing anything.
	Great disputes between the encomenderos and the friars in consequence of the ill-treatment of the natives by the former. Dissensions between the Bishop of Manila and the friars who refused to submit to his diocesan visit.
	Manila burnt down.
1584.	Second expedition against the Molucas, with no better luck than the first.
	Rebellion of the Pampangos and Manila men, assisted by some Mahometans from Borneo. Combat between the English pirate, Thomas Schadesh, and Spanish vessels.
	Combat between the English adventurer Thomas Cavendish (afterwards Sir Thomas), and Spanish vessels.
1587.	The Dominicans arrive in Manila.
1589.	Rebellion in Cagayan and other provinces.
1593.	Third expedition against the Molucas under Gomez Perez Dasmariñias. He had with him in his galley 80 Spaniards and 250 Chinese galley-slaves. In consequence of contrary winds, his vessel put into a port near Batangas for shelter. In the silence of the night, when the Spaniards were asleep, the galley-slaves arose and killed them all except a Franciscan friar and a secretary. Dasmariñias built the castle of Santiago, and fortified Manila with stone walls, cast a large number of guns, and established the college of Sta. Potenciana.
1596.	The galleon which left Manila for Acapulco with rich merchandise, was obliged to enter a Japanese port by stress of weather, and was seized by the Japanese authorities. The crew were barbarously put to death.
1597.	Expedition of Luis Perez Dasmariñias against Cambodia, which gained no advantage.
1598.	The Audiencia re-established in Manila, and the bishopric raised to an archbishopric.
	Expedition against Mindanao and Joló, the people from which were committing great devastations in Visayas, taking hundreds of captives.
	Much fighting, and many killed on both sides, without any definite result.
1599.	Destructive earthquake in Manila and neighbourhood.
1600.	Great sea combat between four Spanish ships, commanded by Judge Morga, and two Dutch pirates. One of the Dutchmen was taken, but the other escaped.
	Another destructive earthquake on January 7th, and one less violent, but long, in November.
1603.	Conspiracy of Eng-Cang and the Chinese against the Spaniards. The Chinese entrench themselves near Manila; Luis Perez Dasmariñias marches against them with 130 Spaniards. They were all killed and decapitated by the Chinese, who then besieged Manila, and attempted to take it by assault. Being repulsed by the Spaniards, all of whom, including the friars, took up arms, they retired to their entrenchments. They were ultimately defeated, and 23,000 of them were massacred. Only 100 were left alive, and these were sent to the galleys as slaves.[391]
1606.	The Recollets arrive in Manila.
	Fourth expedition against the Molucas. Pedro de Acuña, having received a reinforcement of 800 men—Mexicans and Peruvians—attacked and took Ternate, Tidore, Marotoy and Herrao, with all their artillery and provisions. He left 700 men in garrison there, and returned to Manila, dying a few days after his arrival. The Augustinians furnished a galleon for this expedition. It was commanded by the Rev. Father Antonio Flores.
1607.	Revolt of the Japanese living in and near Manila, and heavy losses on both sides.
1609.	Arrival of Juan de Silva with five companies of Mexican and Peruvian infantry. Attack on Manila by a Dutch squadron of five vessels. They were beaten off with the loss of three of their ships.
1610.	Unsuccessful expedition against Java. This was to have been a combined attack on the Dutch by Portuguese and Spaniards, but the Spanish squadron did not arrive in time to join their allies, who were beaten by the Dutch fleet in the Straits of Malacca.
	Terrific earthquake in Manila and the eastern provinces.
1616.	Violent eruption of the Mayon volcano.
1622.	Revolt of the natives in Bohol, Leyte and Cagayan, which were easily suppressed.
1624.	The Dutch landed on Corregidor Island, but were beaten off.
1627. August.	Great earthquake.
1628.	Destructive earthquake in Camarines.
1638.	Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera makes an attack on the Moros of Mindanao, and conquers the Sultanate of Buhayen and island of Basilan. He also defeats the Joloans.
1639.	Insurrection of Chinese in the province of Laguna and in Manila. Out of 30,000, 7000 ultimately surrendered. All the rest were massacred by the Tagals.
1640.	The Dutch attacked the Spanish garrisons in Mindanao and Joló. The governor-general, fearing they might attack Manila, withdrew the garrisons from the above places to strengthen his own defences, thus leaving the Moros masters of both islands.
1641.	Eruption of the Taal volcano. Violent earthquake in Ilocos.
1645.	The Dutch attacked Cavite and other ports, but were repulsed.
	Rebellion of the Moros in Joló, and of the natives of Cebú and other provinces, who were oppressed by forced labour in building vessels, and other services.
	In these years there were great disputes between the Spaniards of the capital and the friars.
	Great earthquake in Manila, 30th November, called St. Andrew’s earthquake.
1646.	Long series of strong earthquakes, which began in March with violent shocks, and lasted for sixty days.
1648.	Great earthquakes in Manila.
1653.	Great devastations by the Moros of Mindanao, which were severely punished.
	Rebellion in Pampanga and Pangasinan against being forced to cut timber gratuitously for the navy. Suppressed after a serious resistance.[392]
1658.	Destructive earthquake in Manila and Cavite.
1662.	The Chinese pirate, Cong-seng, demands tribute from the Governor of the Philippines. A decree is issued ordering all Chinamen to leave the Philippines. The Chinese entrench themselves in the Parian, and resist. Thousands were killed, and 2000 who marched into Pampanga were all massacred by the natives.
	Great troubles occurred between the governor, Diego de Salcedo, and the archbishop.
1665. 19th June,	violent and destructive earthquake in Manila.
1669.	During the government of Manuel de Leon, further troubles occurred between the archbishop and the Audiencia. The archbishop was banished, and sent by force to Pangasinan. But a new governor, Gabriel de Cruzalegui, arrived, and restored the archbishop, who excommunicated the dean and chapter.
1675.	Destructive earthquake in South Luzon and Mindoro.
1683.	Great earthquake in Manila.
1689.	Archbishop Pardo having died, was succeeded by P. Camacho, and now great disorders arose from his insisting on making the diocesan visit, which the friars refused to receive, and would only be visited by their own Provincial. Again Judge Sierra required the Augustinians and Dominicans to present the titles of the estates they possessed in virtue of a special commission he had brought from Madrid, which they refused to obey, and the end of the dispute was that Sierra was sent back to Mexico, and another commissioner, a friend of the friars, was appointed, to whom they unofficially exhibited the titles.
1716.	Destructive eruption of the Taal volcano, and violent earthquake in Manila.
1717.	Fernando Bustillo Bustamente became governor, and re-established garrisons in Zamboanga and Paragua. He caused various persons who had embezzled the funds of the colony to restore them, imprisoning a corrupt judge. He was assassinated by the criminals he had punished, and nothing came of the inquiry into his death.
1735.	Earthquake in Baler, and tidal wave.
	At this time, the audacity of the Moro pirates was incredible. They ravaged the Visayas and southern Luzon, and carried away the inhabitants by thousands for slaves. The natives began to desert the coast, and take to the interior. Pedro Manuel de Arandia, obeying repeated orders, decreed the expulsion of the Chinese.
1744.	Another rising in Bohol, due to the tyranny of a Jesuit priest named Morales. The chief of this rising was a native named Dagohoy, who put the Jesuit to death, and maintained the independence of Bohol, paying no tribute for thirty-five years. When the Jesuits were expelled from the Philippines, Recollets were sent to Bohol, and the natives submitted on receiving a free pardon.
1749.	Eruption of the Taal volcano, and earthquake in Manila. The eruption lasted for twenty days.
1754.	Violent eruption of the Taal volcano, which began on 15th May,[393]and lasted till the end of November. This was accompanied by earthquakes, an inundation, terrifying electrical discharges, and destructive storms. The ashes darkened the country for miles round, even as far as Manila. When the eruption ceased, the stench was dreadful, and the sea and lake threw up quantities of dead fish and alligators. A malignant fever burst out, which carried off vast numbers of the population round about the volcano.
1762.	A British squadron, with troops from India, arrived in the bay 22nd September, and landed the forces near the powder-magazine of S. Antonio Abad. On the 24th, the city was bombarded. The Spaniards sent out 2000 Pampangos to attack the British, but they were repulsed with great slaughter, and ran away to their own country.
	The civil population of Manila were decidedly in favour of resisting to the last drop of the soldiers’ blood; but the soldiers were not at all anxious for this. Confusion arose in the city, and whilst recriminations were in progress, the British took the city by assault, meeting only a half-hearted resistance.
	The natives immediately began plundering, and were turned out of the city by General Draper. The Chinese also joined in the robbery, and a few were hanged in consequence. The city was pillaged. The British regiments are said to have behaved well, but the sepoys ravished the women, and killed many natives.
	Cavite was about to be surrendered, but as soon as the native troops there knew what was going on, they began at once to plunder the town and arsenal.
1763.	A British expedition sailing in small craft took possession of Malolos on January 19th, 1763. The Augustin and Franciscan friars took arms to defend Bulacan, where two of them were killed in action.
	It was said that the Chinese were conspiring to exterminate the Spaniards. Simon de Anda, the chief of the war-party amongst the Spaniards, issued an order that all the Chinese in the Philippines should be hanged, and this order was in a great measure carried out. This was the fourth time the Spaniards and natives exterminated the Chinese in the Philippines.
	Peace having been made in Europe, the British evacuated Manila in March, 1774.
	In order to satisfy their vanity, and account for the easy victory of the British, the Spaniards made various accusations of treachery against a brave Frenchman named Falles, and a Mexican, Santiago de Orendain. Both those men gallantly led columns of Pampangos against the British lines in the sortie before mentioned. Although the Pampangos, full of presumption, boldly advanced against the British and sepoys, they were no match for disciplined troops led by British officers, and were hurled back at the point of the bayonet. The inevitable defeat and rout was made a pretext for the infamous charges against their leaders. It may be asked, Was there no Spaniard brave enough to lead the[394]sorties, that a Frenchman and a Mexican were obliged to take command?
	The Spaniards in this campaign showed themselves more at home in making proclamations, accusations, and intriguing against each other, than in fighting. However, the friars are exempt from this reproach, for Augustinians, Dominicans and Franciscans, fought and died, and shamed the soldiers.
	No less than ten Augustinians fell on the field of battle, nineteen were made prisoners, and twelve were banished. The British are said by the Augustinians to have sacked and destroyed fifteen of their conventos, or priests’ houses, six houses of their haciendas, and to have sold everything belonging to them in Manila. The Augustinians gave their church bells to be cast into cannon for the defence of the islands.
	Spaniards and natives, however, showed great unanimity and enthusiasm in massacring or hanging the unwarlike Chinamen, and in pillaging their goods. Nearly all the Chinese in the islands, except those in the parts held by the British, were killed.
	During the Anglo-Spanish war there were revolts of the natives in Pangasinan and in Ilocos, then a very large province (it is now divided into four), but both these risings were suppressed. The same happened with a revolt in Cagayan. Disturbances also occurred in many other provinces.
	Simon de Anda became Governor-General, and carried out the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Philippines. Great troubles again occurred between the Archbishop and the friars over the diocesan visit.
1766. 20th July,	violent eruption of the Mayon volcano.
23rd October,	terrible typhoon in Albay, causing enormous destruction of life and property.
1777.	José Basco y Vargas, a naval officer, came out as Governor-General, and found the country overrun with banditti. He made a war of extermination against them, and then initiated a vigorous campaign against the Moros. He repaired the forts, built numbers of war vessels, and cut up the pirates in many encounters. Basco governed for nearly eleven years.
1784.	During the government of Felix Marquina, a naval officer, the Compañia de Filipinas was founded to commence a trade between Spain and the Philippines. Marquina was succeeded by Rafael Maria de Aguilar, an army officer, who organized the land and naval forces, and made fierce war on the Moros. He governed the islands for fourteen years.
1787.	Violent and destructive earthquake in Panay.
1796.	Disastrous earthquake in Manila.
1800.	Destructive eruption of the Mayon volcano.
1807.	Rebellion in Ilocos.
	When the parish priest of Betal, an Augustinian, was preaching to his flock, exhorting them to obedience to their sovereign, a woman stood up in the church and spoke against him, saying that they should not believe him, that his remarks[395]were all humbug, that with the pretence of God, the Gospel, and the King, the priest merely deceived them, so that the Spaniards might skin them and suck their blood, for the priests were Spaniards like the rest. However, the townsmen declared for the King, and took the field under the leadership of the priest.
1809.	The first English commercial house established in Manila.
1811.	Rebellion in Ilocos to change the religion, nominating a new god called Lungao. The leaders of this rebellion entered into negotiations with the Igorrotes and other wild tribes to exterminate the Spaniards, but the conspiracy was discovered and frustrated.
1814.	Rebellion in Ilocos and other provinces.
	Prisoners released in some towns in Ilocos. This rebellion was in consequence of General Gandarás proclaiming the equality of races, which the Indians interpreted by refusing to pay taxes.
1st February,	violent earthquake in south Luzon and destructive eruption of the Mayon volcano. Astonishing electrical discharges.
	A discharge of ashes caused five hours’ absolute darkness, through which fell showers of red hot stones which completely burnt the towns of Camalig, Cagsana, and Budiao with half of the towns of Albay and Guinchatau, and part of Bulusan.
	The darkness caused by the black ashes reached over the whole of Luzon, and even to the coast of China. So loud was the thunder that it was heard in distant parts of the Archipelago.
	Great epidemic of cholera in Manila.
1820.	Massacre of French, English, and Americans in Manila by the natives who plundered their dwellings, after which they proceeded with the fifth massacre of the Chinese. They asserted that the Europeans had poisoned the wells and produced the cholera. The massacre was due to the villainous behaviour of a Philippine Spaniard named Varela, who was Alcalde of Tondo, equivalent to Governor of Manila, and to the criminal weakness and cowardice of Folgueras the acting governor-general, who abstained from interference until the foreigners had been killed, and only sent out troops when forced by the remonstrances of the friars and other Spaniards.
	The archbishop and the friars behaved nobly, for they marched out in procession to the streets of Binondo, and did their best to stop the massacre, whilst Folgueras, only attentive to his own safety, remained with the fortifications.
1822.	Juan Antonio Martinez took over the government in October. Folgueras having reported unfavourably of the officers of the Philippine army, Martinez brought with him a number of officers of the Peninsular army to replace those who were inefficient.
	This caused a mutiny of the Spanish officers of the native army, and they murdered Folgueras in his bed. He thus expiated his cowardice in 1820. The mutiny was, however,[396]suppressed, and Novales and twenty sergeants were shot. Novales’ followers had proclaimed him Emperor of the Philippines. The constitution was abolished by Martinez, without causing any rising.
1824.	Destructive earthquake in Manila.
	Alonzo Morgado appointed by Martinez to be captain of the Marina Sutil, commenced an unrelenting persecution of the piratical Moros, causing them enormous losses.
1828.	Another military insurrection, headed by two brothers, officers in the Philippine army.
	From this date Peninsular troops were permanently maintained in Manila, which had never been done before.
1829.	Father Bernardo Lago, an indefatigable missionary of the Augustinian Order, with his assistants baptised in the provinces of Abra and Benguet more than 5300 heathen Tinguianes and Igorrotes, and settled them in towns.
1834.	Foreign vessels allowed to enter Manila by paying double dues.
1836–7.	Great disturbances amongst the natives in consequence of the ex-claustration of the friars in Spain. The natives divided into two parties. One wished to turn out the friars and all Spaniards, the others to turn out all Spaniards except the friars, who were to remain and take charge of the government.
	The disturbances were ultimately smoothed over.
1841.	Marcelino de Oráa being Governor-General, a sanguinary insurrection burst out in Tayabas, under the leadership of a native, Apolinario de la Cruz. He murdered the Alcalde of the province, and persuaded his fanatical adherents that he would make the earth open and swallow up the Spanish forces when they attacked.
	His following was composed of 3000 men, women, and children. They were attacked by four hundred soldiers and as many cuadrilleros and coast-guards, and suffered a crushing defeat, and a third of them were slain.
	Apolinario de la Cruz was apprehended, and immediately put to death.
	Apolinario called himself the “King of the Tagals,” and told his followers that a Tagal virgin would come down from Heaven to wed him, that with a handful of rice he could maintain all who followed him, and that the Spanish bullets could not hurt them, and many other absurd things. His followers declared that he had signified his intention, in case of being victorious, to tie all the friars and other Spaniards to trees, and to have them shot by the women with arrows.
	There lay in garrison at Manila at this time a regiment composed of Tagals of Tayabas, and they also mutinied, and were shot down by the other troops.
1844.	Royal order prohibiting the admission of foreigners to the interior of the country.
	Narciso de Claveria became Governor-General, and organised a police force called the Public Safety for Manila, and similar corps for the provinces. Up to this time the Alcaldes Mayores of provinces had been allowed to trade, and, in fact, were almost the only traders in their provinces,[397]buying up the whole crop. This forced trade is quite a Malay custom, and is practised in Borneo and the Malay States under the name of Serra-dagang.
	The Alcaldes Mayores used to pay the crown one third, or half, or all their salary for this privilege, and took in return all they could squeeze out of their provinces without causing an insurrection, or without causing the friars to complain of them to the Government, for the parish priests were ever the protectors of the natives against the civil authority. This privilege of trading was now abolished as being unworthy of the position of governor of a province.
1851.	Expedition by the Governor-General Antonio de Urbiztondo against Joló. The force consisted of four regiments, with artillery, and a battalion of the inhabitants of Cebú, under the command of a Recollet friar, Father Ibañez. These latter behaved in the bravest manner, in fact they had to; for their wives, at the instance of the priest, had sworn never to receive them again if they turned their backs on the enemy.
	The undaunted Father Ibañez led them to the assault, and lost his life in the moment of victory. Eight cottas (forts), with their artillery and ammunition, were captured by this expedition, and a great number of Moros were killed.
	After this the Joló pirates abated their insolent attacks. Claveria made an expedition against the piratical Moros and seized their island of Balanguingin, killing 400 Moros, and taking 300 prisoners, also rescuing 200 captives. He also captured 120 guns and lantacas, and 150 piratical vessels. This exemplary chastisement tranquillised the Moros for some time.
1853. 13th June.	Loud subterranean noises in Albay and eruption of the Mayon volcano. Fall of ashes and red-hot stones which rolled down the mountain and killed thirty-three people.
1854.	Insurrection in Nueva Ecija under Cuesta, a Spanish mestizo educated in Spain, where Queen Isabela had taken notice of him.
	He arrived in Manila with the appointment of Commandant of Carabineros in Nueva Ecija, and immediately began to plot. The Augustine friars harangued his followers and persuaded them to disperse, and Cuesta was captured and executed, with several other conspirators; others were banished to distant islands.
	In this year Manuel Crespo became Governor-General, and a military officer, named Zapatero, endeavoured to strangle him in his own office.
1855.	Strong shocks of earthquake in all Luzon. Eruption of the Mayon volcano.
1856.	In the latter part of this year a submarine volcanic explosion took place at the Didica shoal, eight miles north-east of the island of Camiguin in the Babuyanes, to the north of Luzon. It remains an active volcano, and has raised a cone nearly to the height of the volcano of Camiguin, which is 2414 feet high.[398]
1857.	The old decrees against foreigners renewed.
	Fernando de Norzagaray became governor-general, and found the country over-run by bandits, against whom he employed severe measures. He greatly improved Manila.
	The French in Cochin-China, finding more resistance than they expected, appealed to Norzagaray for help. He lent them money, ships, and about a thousand native troops, who behaved with great bravery during the campaign.
1860.	Ramon Maria Solano succeeded to the Government.
	In this year two steam sloops and nine steam gunboats were added to the naval forces, and now the Moros could only put to sea running great risks of destruction.
	These nine gunboats were the greatest blessings the Philippines had received for many years.
1861.	José de Lemery y Ibarrola, Governor-General. Mendez-Nuñez, with the steam sloops and gunboats, inflicted terrible chastisement on the piratical Moros.
1862.	Rafael de Echague y Bermingham became Governor-General.
	Second visitation of cholera in the islands, but not so severe as in 1820.
1863.	Terrible earthquake in Manila and the surrounding country, causing thousands of victims, destroying the cathedral, the palace of the governor-general, the custom houses, the principal churches (except St. Augustine), the public and private buildings, in fact, reducing the city to a ruin.
	At this time the steam gunboats continually hostilised the Moros of Joló, and caused them great losses.
1865.	Juan de Lara y Irigoyen became Governor-General, and took measures to subdue the bandits, who were committing great depredations and murders. Hostilities continued in Joló, as the Moros had recommenced their piratical cruises.
1866.	Frequent earthquakes in Manila and Benguet.
	At this time the Treasury was in the greatest difficulty, and could not meet the current payments. A large quantity of tobacco was sold to meet the difficulty.
1867.	José de la Gandara y Navarro became Governor-General. To him is due the credit of creating that excellent institution the Guardia Civil, which has extirpated the banditti who infested the islands for so many years.
	An expedition was sent against the Igorrotes, but without effecting anything of consequence.
1868. June 4th.	Intense earthquake in the island of Leyte.
1869.	Carlos Maria de la Torre became Governor-General, and was not ashamed to publish a proclamation offering the bandits a free pardon if they presented themselves within three months. Hundreds and thousands of men now joined the bandits for three months murder and pillage, with a free pardon at the end of it. This idiotic and cowardly proclamation was most prejudicial to the interests of the country. Finally a special corps, called La Torre’s Guides, was organised to pursue the bandits.
1871.	Rafael Izquierdo y Guttierez became Governor-General, and raised the excellent corps called La Veterana to act as the police of the capital.[399]
December 8th,	eruption of the Mayon volcano, and discharge of ashes and lava. Two persons smothered, and one burnt.
16th February.	Commencement of the series of earthquakes which preceded the frightful volcanic eruption in the island of Camiguin on 30th April. Full details of this terrible event are preserved. A volcanic outburst took place on the above date at 344 metres from the town of Cabarman, and near the sea. Great volumes of inflammable gases were ejected from deep cracks in the neighbouring hills, which presently took fire, and soared in flames of incredible height, setting fire to the forests. The wretched inhabitants who had remained in their houses found themselves surrounded by smoke, steam, water, ashes, and red hot stones, whilst their island seemed on fire, and they had sent away all their seaworthy craft with the women and children.
	At first the volcanic vent was only two metres high, but it continually increased.
	After the eruption, the earthquakes decreased, and on 7th May entirely ceased.
	The volcano gradually raised itself by the material thrown out to a height of 418 metres.
1872.	Military revolt in Cavite, in which the native clergy were mixed up. A secret society had been working at this plot for several years, and was very widely extended. It inundated the towns of the Archipelago with calumnious and libellous leaflets in the native languages. The conspiracy coincided with the return of the Jesuits in accordance with a Royal Order, and their substitution for the Recollets missionaries in many parishes in Mindanao. In turn, the Recollets, removed from Mindanao, were given benefices in Luzon which, for one hundred years, had been in the hands of the native clergy, who were, in consequence, very dissatisfied, and great hatred was aroused against the Recollets. The mutiny was suppressed by the Spaniards and the Visayas troops, who bayoneted the Tagals without mercy, even when they had laid down their arms.
	Besides many who were shot for complicity in this revolt, three native priests—D. Mariano Gomez, D. Jacinto Zamora, and D. José Burgos—were garrotted in Bagumbayan on the 28th February. Much discussion arose about the guilt or innocence of these men, and it is a matter on which friars and native clergy are never likely to agree.
	Later on, a rising took place in Zamboanga penal establishment, but this was put down by the warlike inhabitants of that town, who are always ready to take up arms in their own defence, and are very loyal to Spain.
	Loud subterranean noises in Albay. Eruption of the Mayon volcano, which lasted for four days.
1873.	Juan de Alaminos y Vivar became governor-general.
	The ports of Legaspi, Tacloban and Leyte, were opened to foreign commerce.
November 14, 1873,	violent earthquake in Manila. Eruption of the Mayon volcano, from 15th June to 23rd July.[400]
1874.	Manuel Blanco Valderrama, being acting governor-general, fighting took place in Balábac, where the Spanish garrison was surprised by the Moros. José Malcampo y Monge, a rear-admiral, took over the government of the islands, and, during his administration, the news of the proclamation of Alfonso XII, as King of Spain was received, and gave great satisfaction in Manila, which had never taken to the Republican Government in Spain.
	Malcampo led a strong expedition, consisting of 9000 men, against the Moros, and took Joló by assault, after bombarding the Cottas by the ships’ guns. At the end of his time, the regiment of Peninsular Artillery had become demoralised, and its discipline very lax. Finally, the soldiers refused to obey their officers, and broke out of barracks.
	Two of them were shot dead by the officer of the guard at the barrack-gate, Captain Brull, but the affair was hushed up, and no one was punished. Discipline was quite lost.
1877.	Great devastation by locusts in province of Batangas. Domingo Moriones y Murillo arrived, and took over the government on 28th February. His first act was to shoot a number of the Spanish mutineers, put others in prison, and send back fifty to Spain in the same vessel with Malcampo. This incident is related in greater detail in Chapter III. The Treasury was in the greatest poverty, and the poor natives of Cagayan obliged to cultivate tobacco and deliver it to the government officials, had not been paid for it for two or three years, and were actually starving. Moriones did what he could for them, and strongly insisted on the abolition of the “estanco.”
	To this worthy governor, Manila and the Philippines owe much. He insisted on the legacy of Carriedo being employed for the object it was left for, instead of remaining in the hands of corrupt officials.
	He also made good regulations against rogues and vagabonds.
1879. Nov. 8th.	Violent typhoon passed over Manila, doing much damage.
July 1st.	Commencement of earthquakes in Surigao (Mindanao), which lasted over two months.
1880.	Fernando Primo de Rivera became Governor-General, 15th April.
On July 14th,	a violent earthquake took place, doing enormous damage in the city of Manila and the central provinces of Luzon. The seismic disturbance lasted till the 25th July. The inhabitants of Manila were panic-stricken, and took refuge in the native nipa houses.
	General Primo de Rivera made an expedition against the Igorrotes, and the vile treatment the soldiers meted out to the Igorrote women has delayed for years the conversion of those tribes.
1881.	Eruption of the Mayon volcano, which began on July 6th, and lasted till the middle of 1882.
	At times there were loud subterranean noises, after which the flow of lava usually increased.
1882.	Dreadful epidemic of cholera which, in less than three months,[401]carried off 30,000 victims in the city and province of Manila. In the height of the epidemic the deaths reached a thousand a day. The victims were mostly natives, but many Spaniards died of the disease. Only one Englishman died, and this was from his own imprudence. A typhoon passed over Manila on October 20th, and caused great damage on shore and afloat. Twelve large ships and a steamer were driven on shore, or very seriously damaged.
On November 5th,	another typhoon, not quite so violent as the first, took place. After this, the cholera almost entirely stopped. On December 31st, another typhoon occurred.
1883.	Joaquin Jovellar y Soler, captain-general in the army, and the pacificator of Cuba, assumed the government 7th April, and was received with great show of satisfaction by the Spaniards.
	The old tribute of the natives was replaced by the tax on the Cédulas-personales.
	During his time there were threats of insurrection, and additional Peninsular troops were sent out. He resigned from ill-health 1st April, 1885.
October 28th.	Typhoon passed over Manila.
1885.	Emilio Terrero y Perinat assumed the government of the islands on April 4th.
	He conducted successful expeditions against the Moros of Mindanao and Joló.
	In the month of May, during the great heat, the River Pasig was covered with green scum from the lake. The water was charged with gas, the fish and cray-fish died, and the stench was overpowering, even at a couple of miles distance from the river.
	A huge waterspout was formed in the bay, and passed inland.
November.	Death of King Alfonso XII., and mourning ceremonies in all the islands.
October 2nd.	Eruption of the Taal volcano.
1886. 5th March.	Separation of the executive and judicial powers. Appointment of eighteen civil governors instead of alcaldes—mayores of provinces. Very great inconvenience occurred through the delay in sending out the Judges of First Instance, and the duties were, in some cases, temporarily performed by ignorant persons devoid of any legal training.
11 P.M., 2nd April,	an enormous flaming meteor traversed the sky, travelling from E. to W., and when about the zenith it split into two with a loud explosion, the pieces diverging at an angle of perhaps 45°; they fell, apparently, at a great distance, producing a violent concussion like a sharp shock of earthquake.
24th April.	Attack by bandits on the village of Montalban. Two of them were killed by the Guardia Civil.
8th July.	Eruption of the Mayon volcano in Albay. It continued to discharge ashes and lava, bursting out into greater violence at times till the middle of March, 1887.
March 19th.	Don German Gamazo, Minister for the[402]Colonies, lays before the Queen-Regent, for her approbation, the project of the General Exhibition of the Philippines, to be held in Madrid in 1887. In it he says:—
	“By this we shall bring about that the great sums of money which are sent from the metropolis to purchase in foreign countries cotton, sugar, cacao, tobacco, and other products, will go to our possessions in Oceania, where foreign merchants buy them up, with evident damage to the material interests of the country.”
	When it is considered that the freight from Manila to Barcelona in the subsidised Spanish Royal Mail steamers was considerably higher than that charged in the same steamers to Liverpool, that enormous duties were charged in Spain on sugar and hemp, which enter British ports duty free, and that British capital was advanced to the cultivators to raise these very crops, the idiotic absurdity and contemptible hypocrisy of such a statement may be faintly realised by the reader.
	In May the mud of the Pasig became permeated with bubbles of gas, and floated to the surface. On May 23rd, the writer witnessed several violent explosions of fetid gas smelling like sulphuretted hydrogen from the mud of the Pasig at Santa Ana.
June 7th.	Triple murder committed at Cañacao by a Tagal from jealousy.
20th May.	Three days’ holiday and public rejoicings ordered in honour of the birth of the King of Spain (Alfonso XIII.).
1887. January 3rd.	Troops embarked in Manila for the expedition against the Moros of Mindanao under General Terrero.
March 5th.	The United States warship Brooklyn arrived in Manila.
July 14th.	The Penal Code put in force in the Philippines.
December 3rd.	The Civil Code put in force in the Philippines.
1888. March 1st.	A petition is presented to the Acting Civil Governor of Manila by the Gobernadorcillo and Principales of Santa Cruz, praying for the expulsion of the religious orders and of the Archbishop, the secularization of all benefices, and the confiscation of the estates of the Augustinians and Dominicans. See Chapter VI.
December 15th.	Violent eruption of Mayon volcano with subterranean noises, storms, thunder and lightning. Don Valeriano Weyler, Marques de Tenerife, became governor-general.
1890.	Agrarian disturbances occurred at Calamba and Santa Rosa between the tenants on the Dominicans’ estates and the lay brother in charge. During this year there was a great increase of secret societies. A woman admitted as a mason. A woman’s lodge established. See Chapter IX.
February 21st.	Violent eruption of the Mayon.
February 24th.	Several explosions occurred at the summit, discharging showers of white-hot bombs. About 100 metres of the top toppled over. Many of the inhabitants of the neighbouring towns fled to a distance.[403]
1891.	Don Emilio Despujols, Conde de Caspe, became governor-general. See Chapter III.
1893.	Doroteo Cortes banished to the Province of La Union, other malcontents banished to different localities.
October 3rd.	Eruption of the Mayon and explosion of volcanic bombs. Loud subterranean noises and deafening thunder.
	A vast column of smoke ascended to the sky, from which proceeded violet-coloured lightning.
	The eruption lasted till the end of October.
1894. May.	The Datto Julcainim, with seventy armed Moros from Sulu, landed in Basilan Island to recover tribute from the natives, but was sent back by a Spanish gunboat.
1896. August 30th.	Tagal insurrection broke out near Manila and in Cavite Province. See Chapter X.
1897. June 25th.	Violent and disastrous eruptions of the Mayon. Complete destruction of the villages San Antonio, San Isidro, Santo Niño, San Roque, Santa Misericordia, and great damage to other places by the incandescent lava. A dreadful tempest destroyed houses and plantations in places where the lava did not reach. About 300 people were either killed outright or died of their wounds. Fifty wounded persons recovered.
1898. March 24th.	Revolt of the famous Visayas or 74th Regiment at Cavite.
March 25th.	Massacre of the Calle Camba.
April 24th.	Meeting at Singapore between Aguinaldo and the United States’ Consul, Mr. Spencer Pratt.
April 26th.	Aguinaldo proceeds to Hong Kong.
May 1st.	Naval battle of Cavite. Destruction of the Spanish squadron and capture of Cavite Arsenal by the Americans.
May 19th.	Aguinaldo and seventeen followers land at Cavite from the United States’ vessel Hugh McCullough, and are furnished with arms by Admiral Dewey.
May 24th.	Aguinaldo proclaims a Dictatorial Government.
June 23rd.	He issues a manifesto claiming for the Philippines a place, if a modest one, amongst the nations.
August 6th.	He sends a message to foreign powers claiming recognition.
August 13th.	The American troops enter Manila, the Spaniards making only a show of resistance.
August 14th.	The capitulation signed. General Merritt issues his proclamation establishing a military government.
August 15th.	General McArthur appointed military commandant of the Walled City and Provost-Marshal-General of the city and suburbs.
September 29th.	General Aguinaldo makes a speech at Malolos to the Philippine Congress, the keynote of which was independence: “The Philippines for the Filipinos.”
October 2nd.	The Peace Commission holds its preliminary meeting in Paris.
November 13th.	The insurgents invest Ilo-ilo. Fighting[404]proceeding in other parts of Visayas between Spaniards and natives.
December 10th.	The Peace Commission signs the Treaty. Don Felipe Agoncillo, representative of the Philippine Government, hands in a formal protest, of which no notice is taken.
December 24th.	The Spaniards evacuate Ilo-ilo.
December 26th.	The insurgents occupy the city. The Spaniards evacuate all the southern island stations except Zamboanga. The Philippine Congress at Malolos adjourns.
December 29th.	New Philippine cabinet formed; all the members pledged to independence.
	President of Congress and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Señor Mabini; Secretary for War, Señor Luna; Interior, Señor Araneta; Agriculture and Commerce, Señor Buencamino; Public Works, Señor Canon.
1899. January 5th.	The Washington officials announce that they “expect a peaceful adjustment.” [Blessed are they who expect nothing.]
	President McKinley instructs General Otis to extend military government with all dispatch to the whole ceded territory.
January 8th.	Protest of Aguinaldo against the Americans.
January 12th.	General Otis telegraphs to the War Department that conditions are apparently improving.
	Other dispatches represent the situation as daily growing more acute.
January 16th.	A telegram was received at Washington from General Otis, of so reassuring a character regarding the position at Manila and Ilo-ilo, that the government officials accept without question the correctness of his statement, that the critical stage of the trouble there is now past and that he controls the situation.
	A commission nominated by President McKinley, consisting of Dr. Schurman, President of Cornell University; Professor Worcester of Michigan University, and Mr. Denby.
January 21st.	The Philippine constitution is proclaimed at Malolos.
February 4th.	Fighting between Filipinos and Americans began at Santa Mesa 8.45 P.M., and continued through the night.
February 5th.	Fighting continued all day and ended in the repulse of the Filipinos with heavy loss.
	General Otis wires: “The situation is most satisfactory, and apprehension need not be felt.”
February 6th.	The U.S. Senate ratifies the Peace Treaty with Spain by 57 to 27.
	Senator Gorman in the course of the debate expressed his belief that the battle at Manila was only the beginning. If the treaty was ratified war would follow, lasting for years, and costing many lives, and millions upon millions of money.
	[Senator Gorman makes a better prophet than General Merritt or Mr. Foreman.]
February 8th.	General Otis wires: “The situation is[405]rapidly improving. The insurgent army is disintegrating, Aguinaldo’s influence has been destroyed.”
February 10th.	The Americans attack and capture Calocan. President McKinley signs the Treaty.
February 11th.	Ilo-ilo captured by General Miller without loss, but a considerable part of the town was burned.
February 18th.	The American flag hoisted at Bacolod in Negros Island, opposite Ilo-ilo.
February 22nd.	Tagals attempt to burn Manila, setting fire simultaneously to the Santa Cruz, San Nicolas, and Tondo. Sharp fighting at Tondo. Many natives were burned while penned in by the cordon of guards.
February 23rd.	The Americans burned all that remained of Tondo. General Otis issued an order requiring the inhabitants to remain in their homes after 7 P.M.
March 13.	Oscar F. Williams does not expect to live to see the end of the war. This is the man who on July 2nd, 1898, “hoped for an influx that year of 10,000 ambitious Americans,” who he said could all live well and become enriched. See Chapter XVIII.
	Since the American occupation three hundred drinking saloons have been opened in Manila.
March 19th.	Urgent instructions sent from Washington to Generals Otis and Lawton to hasten the end.
March 24th.	Engagement at Marilao—the Filipinos are defeated.
	New York Times says the situation is both surprising and painful to the American people.
March 31st.	The Americans occupy Malolos which the Filipinos had set on fire, after some skirmishing.
April 1st.	Troops resting at Malolos.
	The ironclad Monadnock was fired on by Filipinos artillery at Parañaque (three miles from Manila), and replied silencing the guns on shore.
April 20th.	A column of General Lawton’s force, 140 strong, surrounded and captured by the Filipinos near Binangonan.
April 23rd.	Fighting at Quingua. Col. Stotsenburg killed. This was a severe engagement.
April 26th.	Americans capture Calumpit. Washington “profoundly relieved.”
April 27th.	Fighting near Apalit.
April 30th.	General Otis believes that the Filipinos are tired of the war.
May 1st.	Anniversary of the Battle of Cavite.
May 2nd.	Conference between Filipino envoys and General Otis with the American Civil Commissioners.
	General Lawton captures Baliuag.
May 12th.	The Nebraska Regiment petitions General McArthur to relieve them from duty, being exhausted by the campaign. Since February 4th, the regiment has lost 225 killed and wounded, and 59 since the fight at Malolos.
May 18th.	Filipino peace delegates enter General Lawton’s lines at San Isidro.[406]
May 20th.	Admiral Dewey leaves Manila in the Olympia.
May 22nd.	The U.S. Civil Commission received Aguinaldo’s Peace Commissioners, and explained to them President McKinley’s scheme of Government.
May 29th.	Aguinaldo reported dead.
May 30th.	The authorities at Washington admit that more troops are needed for Manila.
June 1st.	Mr. Spencer Pratt obtains an interim injunction in the Supreme Court, Singapore, against the sale of Mr. Foreman’s book, “The Philippine Islands.”
June 5th.	Skirmishing in the Laguna district. An attempt by the Americans to surround Pio del Pilar fails.
June 13th.	A Filipino battery at Las Piñas, between Manila and Cavite, consisting of an old smooth bore gun and two one-pounders open fire on the American lines. A battery of the 1st Artillery, the ironclad Monadnock, and the gunboat Helena directed their fire upon this antiquated battery, and kept it up all the morning.
	A correspondent remarks, “This was the first real artillery duel of the war.”
	This developed into one of the hardest fights in the war, the Filipinos made a determined stand at the Zapote bridge.
	Reports arrive that General Antonio Luna had been killed by some of General Aguinaldo’s guards.
June 16th.	The Filipinos attack the Americans at San Fernando and are repulsed with heavy loss.
	Mr. Whitelaw Reid, addressing the Miami University of Ohio, denounces the President’s policy, or want of policy, in the Philippines.
June 19th.	American troops under General Wheaton march through Cavite Province.
June 21st.	General Miles describes the situation at Manila as “very serious.”
June 26th.	Twelve per cent. of the American forces sick. Little can now be attempted as the rainy season is now on.
June 27th.	General Otis reports that the Filipinos have no civil government.
June 28th.	It is stated that General Otis will have 40,000 men available for active operations after the rainy season.
July 12th.	General Otis asks for 2500 horses for the organisation of a brigade of cavalry after the rainy season.
	The entire staff of correspondents of the American newspapers protest against the methods of General Otis in exercising too strict a censorship over telegrams and letters. They say, “We believe that, owing to the official despatches sent from Manilla and published in Washington, the people of the United States have received a false impression of the situation in the Philippines, and that these despatches present an ultra-optimistic view which is not shared by general officers in the field.”
July 20th.	The rainfall at Manila since 1st June has been 41 inches and the country is flooded.
July 23rd.	Mr. Elihu Root nominated to succeed Mr. Alger as Secretary for War.[407]
July 27th.	General Hall’s division captures Calamba on the lake.
August 1st.	Mr. Root sworn in as Secretary for War. He contemplates increasing General Otis’ available force to 40,000 men.
August 15th.	General McArthur’s force captures Angeles.
August 17th.	Orders issued at Washington to form ten additional regiments to serve in the Philippines. General Otis to have 62,000 men under his command.
August 23rd.	General Otis applies the Chinese Exclusion law to the Philippines.
August 24th.	The Moros sign an agreement acknowledging the sovereignty of the United States over the entire Philippine Islands.
	The Moros of Western Mindanao are asking for permission to drive out the insurgents.
August 28th.	President McKinley makes a speech to the 10th Pennsylvanian Regiment lately arrived from Manila. See Chapter XII.
September 1st.	Fighting in Negros, American successes.
September 14th.	U.S. cruiser Charleston engages a gun mounted by the Filipinos at Olongapó, Subic Bay, and fired sixty-nine shells from her 8-inch guns without silencing the gun, notwithstanding that the Filipinos used black powder.
September 18th.	Some of the U.S. Civil Commission had already started to return; remainder leave.
September 23rd.	A U.S. squadron, consisting of the Monterey, Charleston, Concord and Zafiro, bombarded the one-gun battery of the Filipinos at Olongapó for six hours, and then landed 250 men who captured and destroyed the gun which was 16-centimetre calibre.
	General Otis, in an interview, is reported to have stated that “Things are going very satisfactorily.”
September 28th.	General McArthur captures Porac.
September 30th.	General Aguinaldo releases fourteen American prisoners. They looked well and hearty, and it was evident that they had been well treated.
October 8th.	General Schwan advanced against Noveleta and encountered a heavy resistance, but ultimately took the town and next day occupied Rosario.
October 18th.	War now said to be beginning in its most serious phase. The American troops, men and officers, said to be thoroughly discouraged by the futility of the operations ordered by General Otis. They feel that their lives are being sacrificed without anything being accomplished.
October 28th.	17,000 sick and tired soldiers have been sent home and replaced by 27,000 fresh men. 34,000 are on the way or under orders. Total will be 65,000 men and forty ships of war.
October 31st.	General Otis reports to the War Department that the continuance of the rainy season still harasses the prosecution of the campaign.
	Count Almenas, speaking in the Spanish Senate, said that through the ignorance of the Peace Commission the Batanes[408]Islands, Cagayan Sulu, and Sibutu were not included in the scope of the treaty.
November 7th.	General Wheaton, with an American force lands at San Fabian [Pangasinan] and marches towards Dagupan, driving the Filipinos before him.
November 13th.	Tarlac captured by the Americans under Colonel Bell. Telegrams from Manila state, “A careful review of the situation made on the spot justifies the prediction that all organised hostile operations on a definite plan are at an end.”
November 14th.	The U.S. cruiser Charleston lost on the Guinapak rocks to the north of Luzon, and the crew land on Camiguin Island.
November 28th.	The province of Zamboanga [Mindanao] said to have surrendered unconditionally to the commander of the gunboat Castine.
December 20th.	General Lawton shot by the insurgents at San Mateo whilst personally directing the crossing of the river by two battalions of the 29th U.S. infantry.
1900. January 20th.	The Filipinos capture a pack train of twenty ponies in the Laguna Province. American losses, two killed, five wounded, nine missing.
February 15th.	American newspapers report many cases of insanity amongst the U.S. soldiers.
February 20th.	General Otis signifies to the War Department his desire for leave of absence from Manila to recruit his health.
March 30th.	The bubonic plague, extending in Luzon, and appears in other islands of the Archipelago. Cases suspected to be leprosy reported amongst the U.S. troops.
	Independent reports represent the situation in the Philippines as most unsatisfactory. The islands are practically in a state of anarchy.
April 6th.	The War Department issues an order recalling General Otis, because his work has been accomplished, and appoints General McArthur in his place.
May 1st.	Judge Canty, of Minnesota, makes a report upon the condition of the Philippines.
	He says: “All the native tribes, except a small band of Macabebes and the Sulu Mahometans, are against us, and hate the Americans worse than the Spaniards…. The American soldiers are undergoing terrible hardships, and are a prey to deadly tropical diseases.”
June 2nd.	General McArthur asks for more troops, and at least three regiments are to be sent.
June 14th.	Rear-Admiral Raney cables for another battalion of marines.
June 15th.	Macaboulos, a Filipino chieftain, surrenders at Tarlac with 8 officers and 120 riflemen.
June 17th.	A regiment of infantry and a battery of artillery embark at Manila for China.
June 19th.	It is reported that, in all, 5000 men are to be sent from Manila to China.
June 20th.	But to-day, the idea prevails in Washington[409]that, under present conditions, every soldier in the Philippines is needed there.
July 27.	Negotiations are being carried on between Spain and the United States for the cession by the former to the latter of the Sibutu and Cagayan Islands on payment of a sum of $100,000.
August 4th.	The Filipinos kill or capture a lieutenant of Engineers and fifteen soldiers.
August 8th.	Miss Margaret Astor Chanler, who was engaged in Red Cross work in Manila, declares that the hospitals are inadequate. This is confirmed by the Washington correspondent of the World. He says 3700 men are now in hospital, and large numbers are unable to find accommodation. Thousands who are down with fever and other diseases are without doctors or medical supplies. Eight per cent. of the entire force is incapacitated.
August 15th.	The Filipinos reported to be gaining ground.
	The cost of the war said to be nearly £40,000,000, 2394 deaths, 3073 wounded. There are said to be still 70,000 American troops in the Philippines. The “goodwill” of the war cost £4,000,000.
August 19th.	Censored news despatches from Manila show that the Filipinos are increasing their activity, and scorn the offers of amnesty.
September 1st.	The Civil Commission in the Philippines, presided over by Judge Taft, assumes the direction of the Government. Judge Taft reports that the insurrection is virtually ended, and that a modus vivendi is established with the ecclesiastical authorities!
September 3rd.	General McArthur cables that an outbreak has occurred in Bohol, and that in an engagement near Carmen the Americans lost 1 killed and 6 wounded, and the Filipinos 120 killed.
September 6th.	The estimated cost of the Philippines to America is estimated at three-quarters of a million dollars per day.
September 12th.	The first public legislative session of the Civil Commission was held. Two million dollars (Mexican) were voted for the construction of roads and bridges, $5000 for the expenses of a preliminary survey of a railroad between Dagupan and Benguet, and $5400 towards the expenses of the educational system.
September 17th.	General McArthur cables that Captain McQuiston, who had become temporarily insane, shot a number of men of his company. The others, in self-defence, shot and killed the captain.
September 20th.	The Civil Commission reports that large numbers of the people in the Philippines are longing for peace, and are willing to accept the government of the United States.
	General McArthur cables reports of fighting in the Ilocos Provinces, from whence General Young telegraphs for reinforcements, also in Bulacan, and in Tayabas.[410]
	A desperate engagement is fought in the Laguna Province, where the Americans made an attack upon the Filipino positions, and were repulsed with heavy loss, including Captain Mitchell and Lieutenant Cooper.
	The Filipinos are constantly harassing and attacking the American outposts and garrisons around Manila, and have caused fourteen casualties amongst the troops.

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2095 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2090 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2090#respond Sun, 03 Nov 2013 12:00:40 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2090

True Version of the Philippine Revolution

By
Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy
President of the Philippine Republic.

Tarlak (Philippine Islands),

23rd September, 1899

To All Civilized Nations and Especially to the Great North American Republic

I dedicate to you this modest work with a view to informing you respecting the international events which have occurred during the past three years and are still going on in the Philippines, in order that you may be fully acquainted with the facts and be thereby placed in a position to pronounce judgment upon the issue and be satisfied and assured of the Justice which forms the basis and is in fact the foundation of our Cause. I place the simple truth respectfully before and dedicate it to you as an act of homage and as testimony of my admiration for and recognition of the wide knowledge, the brilliant achievements and the great power of other nations, whom I salute, in the name the Philippine nation, with every effusion of my soul.

The Author.

Page 1

The Revolution of 1896

Spain maintained control of the Philippine Islands for more than three centuries and a half, during which period the tyranny, misconduct and abuses of the Friars and the Civil and Military Administration exhausted the patience of the natives and caused them to make a desperate effort to shake off the unbearable galling yoke on the 26th and 31st August, 1896, then commencing the revolution in the provinces of Manila and Cavite.

On these memorable days the people of Balintawak, Santa Mesa, Kalookan, Kawit, Noveleta and San Francisco de Malabon rose against the Spaniards and proclaimed the Independence of the Philippines, and in the course of the next five days these uprisings were followed by the inhabitants of the other towns in Cavite province joining in the revolt against the Spanish Government although there was no previous arrangement looking to a general revolt. The latter were undoubtedly moved to action by the noble example of the former.Page 2

With regard to the rising in the province of Cavite it should be stated that although a call to arms bearing the signatures of Don Augustin Rieta, Don Candido Firona and myself, who were Lieutenants of the Revolutionary Forces, was circulated there was no certainty about the orders being obeyed, or even received by the people, for it happened that one copy of the orders fell into the hands of a Spaniard named Don Fernando Parga, Military Governor of the province, who at that time was exercising the functions of Civil Governor, who promptly reported its contents to the Captain-General of the Philippines, Don Ramon Blanco y Erenas. The latter at once issued orders for the Spanish troops to attack the revolutionary forces.

It would appear beyond doubt that One whom eye of man hath not seen in his wisdom and mercy ordained that the emancipation of the oppressed people of the Philippines should be undertaken at this time, for otherwise it is inexplicable how men armed only with sticks andgulok1 wholly unorganized and undisciplined, could defeat the Spanish Regulars in severe engagements at Bakoor, Imus and Noveleta and, in addition to making many of them prisoners, captured a large quantity of arms and ammunition. It was owing to this astonishing success of the revolutionary troops that General Blanco quickly concluded to endeavour, to maintain Spanish control by the adoption of a Page 3conciliatory policy under the pretext that thereby he could quel the rebellion, his first act being a declaration to the effect that it was not the purpose of his Government to oppress the people and he had no desire “to slaughter the Filipinos.”.

The Government of Madrid disapproved of General Blanco’s new policy and speedily appointed Lieutenant-General Don Camilo Polavieja to supersede him, and despatched forthwith a large number of Regulars to the Philippines.

General Polavieja advanced against the revolutionary forces with 16,000 men armed with Mausers, and one field battery. He had scarcely reconquered half of Cavite province when he resigned, owing to bad health. That was in April, 1897.

Polavieja was succeeded by the veteran General Don Fernando Primo de Rivera, who had seen much active service. As soon as Rivera had taken over command of the Forces he personally led his army in the assault upon and pursuit of the revolutionary forces, and so firmly, as well as humanely, was the campaign conducted that he soon reconquered the whole of Cavite province and drove the insurgents into the mountains.

Then I established my headquarters in the wild and unexplored mountain fastness of Biak-na-bató, where I formed the Republican Government of the Philippines at the end of May, 1897.Page 4

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1 A kind of sword—Translator.

The Treaty of Biak-na-bató

Don Pedro Alejandro Paterno (who was appointed by the Spanish Governor-General sole mediator in the discussion of the terms of peace) visited Biak-na-bató several times to negotiate terms of the Treaty, which, after negotiations extending over five months, and careful consideration had been given to each clause, was finally completed and signed on the 14th December, 1897, the following being the principal conditions:—

(1) That I would, and any of my associates who desired to go with me, be free to live in any foreign country. Having fixed upon Hongkong as my place of residence, it was agreed that payment of the indemnity of $800,000 (Mexican) should be made in three installments, namely, $400,000 when all the arms in Biak-na-bató were delivered to the Spanish authorities; $200,000 when the arms surrendered amounted to eight hundred stand; the final payment to be made when one thousand stand of arms shall have been handed over to the authorities and the Te Deumsung in the Cathedral in Manila as thanksgiving for the restoration of peace. The latter part of February was fixed as the limit of time wherein the surrender of arms should be completed.

(2) The whole of the money was to be paid to me personally, leaving the disposal of the money to my discretion and knowledge of thePage 5understanding with my associates and other insurgents.

(3) Prior to evacuating Biak-na-bató the remainder of the insurgent forces under Captain-General Primo de Rivera should send to Biak-na-bató two General of the Spanish Army to be held as hostages by my associates who remained there until I and a few of my compatriots arrived in Hongkong and the first installment of the money payment (namely, four hundred thousand dollars) was paid to me.

(4) It was also agreed that the religious corporations in the Philippines be expelled and an autonomous system of government, political and administrative, be established, though by special request of General Primo de Rivera these conditions were not insisted on in the drawing up of the Treaty, the General contending that such concessions would subject the Spanish Government to severe criticism and even ridicule.

General Primo de Rivera paid the first installment of $400,000 while the two Generals were hold as hostages in Biak-na-bató.

We, the revolutionaries, discharged our obligation to surrender our arms, which were over 1,000 stand, as everybody knows, it having been published in the Manila newspapers. But the Captain General Primo de Rivera failed to fulfill the agreement as faithfully as we did. The other installments were never paid; the Friars were neither restricted in their acts of tyranny and Page 6oppression nor were any steps taken to expel them or secularize the religious Orders; the reforms demanded were not inaugurated, though the Te Deum was sung. This failure of the Spanish authorities to abide by the terms of the Treaty caused me and my companions much unhappiness, which quickly changed to exasperation when I received a letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Don Miguel Primo de Rivera (nephew and private Secretary of the above-named General) informing me that I and my companions could never return to Manila.

Was the procedure of this special representative of Spain just?

Negotiations

But I and my companions were not to be kept long in our distress, grieving over the bad faith of the Spaniards, for in the month of March of the year referred to (1898) some people came to me and in the name of the Commander of the U.S.S. Petrel asked for a conference in compliance with the wishes of Admiral Dewey.

I had some interviews with the above-mentioned Commander, i.e., during the evening of the 16th March and 6th April, during which the Commander urged me to return to the Philippines to renew hostilities against the Spaniards with the object of gaining our independence, and he assured me of the assistance of the United States in the event of war between the United States and Spain.Page 7

I then asked the Commander of the Petrel what the United States could concede to the Filipinos. In reply he said: “The United States is a great and rich nation and needs no colonies.”

In view of this reply I suggested to the Commander the advisability of stating in writing what would be agreed to by the United States, and be replied that he would refer the matter to Admiral Dewey.

In the midst of my negotiations with the Commander of the Petrel I was interrupted by letters from Isabelo Artacho and his solicitors, on the 5th April, claiming $200,000 of the money received from the Spanish authorities, and asserting that he (Artacho) should receive this sum as salary due to him while acting as Secretary of the Interior, he having been, it was alleged, a member of the Filipino Government established in Biak-na-bató. These letters contained the threat that failure to comply with the demand of Artacho would result in him bringing me before the Courts of Law in Hongkong. It may make the matter clearer if I mention at this point that Isabelo Artacho arrived at Biak-na-bató and made himself known to and mixed with the officers in the revolutionary camp on the 21st day of September, 1897, and was appointed Secretary of the Interior in the early part of November of that year, when the Treaty of Peace proposed and negotiated by Don Pedro Alejandro Paterno was almost concluded, as is proved by the fact that the document was signed on the 14th of December of that year.Page 8

In the light of these facts the unjust and unreasonable nature of the claim of Artacho is easily discernable, for it is monstrous to claim $200,000 for services rendered to the Revolutionary Government during such a brief period.

Moreover, it is a fact that it was agreed between ourselves (the leaders of the Revolution assembled in Biak-na-bató) that in the event of the Spaniards failing to comply with each and every one of the terms and conditions of the Agreement the money obtained from the Spanish Government should not be divided, but must be employed in the purchase of arms and ammunition to renew the war of independence.

It is therefore evident that Artacho, in making this preposterous demand, was acting as a spy for the enemy, as an agent of General Primo de Rivera, for he wanted to extinguish the rebellion by depriving its organizers and leaders of the most indispensable element, the “sinews of war,” which is money. This was the view, too, of the whole of my colleagues, and it was resolved by us that I should leave Hongkong immediately and thereby avoid the litigation which Artacho seemed bent upon and thereby afford my companions time and opportunity to remove this new and wholly unexpected barrier to the realization of our cherished plans for the emancipation of our beloved fatherland. I am profoundly pleased to say that they succeeded, Artacho withdrawing the suit through a transaction.Page 9

In accordance with the decision of the meeting above referred to, I left Hongkong quietly on the 7th April, 1898, on board the steamshipTaisany, and after calling at Saigon I reached Singapore as a passenger by the s.s. Eridan, landing there as secretly as possible on the 21st April. I at once proceeded to the residence of one of my countrymen.

Thus is explained the cause of the interruption of the vitally important negotiations with Admiral Dewey, initiated by the Commander of thePetrel.

But “Man proposes and God disposes” is a proverb which was verified in its fullest sense on this occasion, for, notwithstanding the precautions taken in my journey to avoid identification yet at 4 o’clock in the afternoon of the day I arrived at Singapore an Englishman came to the house in which I was residing and in a cautious manner stated that the United States Consul at that port, Mr. Spencer Pratt, wished to have an interview with Don Emilio Aguinaldo. The visitor was told that in that house they did not know Aguinaldo; this being the prearranged answer for any callers.

But the Englishman returned to the house several times and persisted in saying that it was no use trying to conceal the fact of Aguinaldo’s arrival for Consul Pratt had received notice from Admiral Dewey of General Aguinaldo’s journey to Singapore.Page 10

In reply, the Consul said he would telegraph about this matter to Admiral Dewey, who was, he said, Commander-in-Chief of the squadron which would invade the Philippines, and who had, he also stated, full powers conferred on him by President McKinley.

Between 10 or 12 in the forenoon of the next day the conference was renewed and Mr. Pratt then informed me that the Admiral had sent him a telegram in reply to the wish I had expressed for an agreement in writing. He said the Admiral’s reply was—That the United States would at least recognize the Independence of the Philippines under the protection of the United States Navy. The Consul added that there was no necessity for entering into a formal written agreement because the word of the Admiral and of the United States Consul were in fact equivalent to the most solemn pledge that their verbal promises and assurance would be fulfilled to the letter and were not to be classed with Spanish promises or Spanish ideas of a man’s word of honour. In conclusion the Consul said, “The Government of North America, is a very honest, just, and powerful government.”

Being informed of what had been said by the visitor I consented to meet Consul Pratt, and had a strictly private interview with him between 9 and 12 p.m. on 22nd April, 1898, in one of the suburbs of Singapore. As soon as Mr. Pratt met me he said that war had been formally declared by the United States against Spain the day before, i.e., on the 21st April.Page 11

In the course of the interview alluded to, Consul Pratt told me that as the Spaniards had not fulfilled the promises made in the Biak-na-bató Agreement, the Filipinos had the right to continue the revolution which had been checked by the Biak-na-bató arrangement, and after urging me to resume hostilities against the Spaniards he assured me that the United States would grant much greater liberty and more material benefits to the Filipinos than the Spaniards ever promised.

I then asked the Consul what benefits the United States would confer on the Philippines, pointing out at the same time the advisability of making an agreement and setting out all the terms and conditions in black and white.

Being as anxious to be in the Philippines as Admiral Dewey and the North American Consul—to renew the struggle for our Independence—I took the opportunity afforded me by these representatives of the United States, and, placing the fullest confidence in their word of honour, I said to Mr. Pratt (in response to his persistent professions of solicitude for the welfare of my countrymen) that he could count upon me when I returned to the Philippines to raise the people as one man against the Spaniards, with the one grand object in view as above mentioned, if I could take firearms with me to distribute amongst my countrymen. I assured him that I would put forth my utmost endeavours to crush and extinguish the power of Spain in the islands and I added that if in possession of one Page 12battery of a dozen field-guns I would make the Spaniards surrender Manila in about two weeks.

The Consul said he would help me to get over to the Philippines the consignment of arms in respect of which I had made the preliminary arrangements in Hongkong, and he added that he would at once telegraph to Admiral Dewey informing him of this promise in order that the Admiral might give what assistance laid in his power to make the expedition in question a success.

On the 25th April the last conference was held in the United States Consulate at Singapore. I was invited by the Consul to meet him on this occasion and as soon as we met he said he had received a telegram from the Admiral requesting him to ask me to proceed to Hongkong by first steamer to join the Admiral who was then with his squadron in Mir’s Bay; a Chinese harbour close to Hongkong. I replied to this proposal in the affirmative, and gave directions to my aide-de-camp to at once procure passages for myself and companions, care being taken that the tickets should bear the assumed names we had adopted on the occasion of our journey from Hongkong to Singapore, it being advisable that we should continue to travel incognito.

On the 26th April I called on Consul Pratt to bid him adieu on the eve of my departure from Singapore by the steamship Malacca. The Consul, after telling me that when I got near the port of Hongkong I would be met by the Admiral’s launch Page 13and taken from the Malacca to the American squadron (a precaution against news of my movements becoming public property, of which I highly approved), then asked me to appoint him Representative of the Philippines in the United States, there to zealously advocate official recognition of our Independence. My answer was, that I would propose him for the position of Representative of the Philippines in the United States when the Philippine Government was properly organized, though I thought it an insignificant reward for his assistance, for, in the event of our Independence becoming un fait accompli I intended to offer him a high position in the Customs Department, besides granting certain commercial advantages and contributing towards the cost of the war whatever sum he might consider due to his Government; because the Filipinos had already decided such a policy was the natural outcome of the exigencies of the situation and could be construed only as a right and proper token of the nation’s gratitude.

But to continue the statement of facts respecting my return to Hongkong from Singapore: I left Singapore with my A.D. Cs., Sres Pilar and Leyba, bound for Hongkong by the s.s. Malacca, arriving at Hongkong at 2 a.m. on the 1st May, without seeing or hearing anything of the launch which I had been led by Consul Pratt to expect to meet me near the entrance of Hongkong harbour. In response to an invitation from Mr. Rounsevelle Wildman, United States Consul at Hongkong, I wended my way to the United States Consulate and between 9 and 11 p.m. Page 14of the same day I had an interview with him. Mr. Wildman told me that Admiral Dewey left for Manila hurriedly in accordance with imperative orders from his Government directing him to attack the Spanish Fleet. He was therefore unable to await my arrival before weighing anchor and going forth to give battle to the Spaniards. Mr. Wildman added that Admiral Dewey left word with him that he would send a gunboat to take me across to the Philippines. In the course of this interview with Mr. Wildman I spoke to him about the shipment of arms to the islands which I had previously planned with him, and it was then agreed among ourselves that he (Mr. Rounsevelle Wildman) and the Filipino Mr. Teodoro Sandico should complete the arrangements for the despatch of the expedition, and I there and then handed to and deposited with them the sum of $50,000.

A steam launch was quickly purchased for $15,000, while a contract was made and entered into for the purchase of 2,000 rifles at $7 each and 200,000 rounds of ammunition at $33 and 56/100 per 1000.

A week later (7th May) the American despatch-boat McCulloch arrived from Manila bringing news of Admiral Dewey’s victory over the Spanish fleet, but did not bring orders to convey me to Manila. At 9 o’clock that night I had another interview with Consul Wildman, at his request.

On the 15th of the same month the McCulloch again arrived at Hongkong from Manila, this time Page 15bringing orders to convey me and my companions to Manila. I was promptly notified of this by Consul Wildman who requested that we go on board the McCulloch at 10 o’clock at night on 16th May. Accompanied by Consul Wildman, the Captain of the McCulloch, and Mr. John Barrett (who then usually styled himself “ex-Secretary of the United States Legation in Siam”) we boarded an American steam launch and proceeded to Chinese Kowloon Bay, where the McCulloch was anchored. While bidding us adieu Mr. Barrett said he would call on me in the Philippines, which he did later on in Cavite and Malolos.

Mr. Wildman strongly advised me to establish a Dictatorship as soon as I arrived in the Philippines, and he assured me that he would use his best endeavours to have the arms already contracted for delivered to me in the Philippines, which he in fact did. [It is to be observed, though, that the first expedition having been conducted satisfactorily, the arms reaching me in due course, I was naturally grateful and had confidence in the sincerity and good faith of Consul Wildman, and there was nothing surprising therefore in the fact that I asked him to fit out another expedition and caused the sum of $67,000 to be deposited with him for that purpose. I regret to state, however, that Mr. Wildman has failed to comply with my request and I am informed that he refuses to refund the money.]

The McCulloch left Hongkong at 11 a.m. on the 17th May and arrived off Cavite (Manila Bay) Page 16between noon and 1 p.m. on the 19th idem. No sooner had the McCulloch dropped anchor than the Admiral’s launch, carrying his Adjutant and Private Secretary, came alongside to convey me the flagship Olympia, where I was received with my Adjutant (Sr. Leyba) with the honours due to a General.

The Admiral ushered me into his private quarters, and after the exchange of the usual greetings I asked whether it was true that he had sent all the telegrams to the Consul at Singapore, Mr. Pratt, which that gentleman had told me he received in regard to myself. The Admiral replied in the affirmative, adding that the United States had come to the Philippines to protect the natives and free them from the yoke of Spain. He said, moreover, that America is exceedingly well off as regards territory, revenue, and resources and therefore needs no colonies, assuring me finally that there was no occasion for me to entertain any doubts whatever about the recognition of the Independence of the Philippines by the United States. Then Admiral Dewey asked me if I could induce the people to rise against the Spaniards and make a short, sharp, and decisive campaign of it.

I said in reply that events would speak for themselves, but while a certain arms expedition (respecting which Consul Wildman was duly informed that it would be despatched from a Chinese port) was delayed in China we could do nothing, because without arms every victory would assuredly cost us the lives of many brave and dashing Page 17Filipino warriors. The Admiral thereupon offered to despatch a steamer to hurry up the expedition. (This, be it borne in mind, in addition to the General orders he had given the Consul to assist us to procure arms and ammunition.) Then he at once placed at my disposal all the guns seized onboard the Spanish warships as well as 62 Mausers and a good many rounds of ammunition which had been brought up from Corregidor Island by the U.S.S. Petrel.

I then availed myself of an early opportunity to express to the Admiral my deep gratitude for the assistance rendered to the people of the Philippines by the United States, as well as my unbounded admiration of the grandeur and beneficence of the American people. I also candidly informed the Admiral that before I left Hongkong the Filipinos residing in that colony hold a meeting at which the following question was fully discussed, namely, the possibility that after the Spaniards were defeated, and their power and prestige in the islands destroyed, the Filipinos might have to wage war against the United States owing to the American Government declining to recognize our independence. In that event the Americans, it was generally agreed, would be sure to defeat us for they would find us worn out and short of ammunition owing to our struggle with the Spaniards. I concluded by asking the gallant Admiral to excuse me for an amount of frankness that night appear to border on impudence, and assured him of the fact that I was actuated only by a desire to have a perfectly clear understanding in the interest of both parties.Page 18

The Admiral said he was very glad to have this evidence of our earnestness and straightforwardness and he thought the Filipinos and Americans should act towards one another as friends and allies, and therefore it was right and proper that all doubts should be expressed frankly in order that explanations be made, difficulties avoided, and distrust removed; adding that, as he had already indicated, the United States would unquestionably recognize the Independence of the people of the Philippines, guaranteed as it was by the word of honour of Americans, which, he said, is more positive, more irrevocable than any written agreement, which might not be regarded as binding when there is an intention or desire to repudiate it, as was the case in respect of the compact made with the Spaniards at Biak-na-bató. Then the Admiral advised me to at once have made a Filipino National Flag, which he said he would recognize and protect in the presence of the other nations represented by the various squadrons anchored in Manila Bay, adding, however, that he thought it advisable that we should destroy the power of Spain before hoisting our national flag, in order that the act would appear more important and creditable in the eyes of the world and of the United States in particular. Then when the Filipino vessels passed to and fro with the national flag fluttering in the breeze they would attract more attention and be more likely to induce respect for the national colours.

I again thanked the Admiral for his good advice and generous offers, giving him to understand clearly that I was willing to sacrifice my Page 19own life if he would be thereby more exalted in the estimation of the United States, more honoured by his fellow-countrymen.

I added that under the present conditions of hearty co-operation, good fellowship and a clear understanding the whole nation would respond to the call to arms to shake off the yoke of Spain and obtain their freedom by destroying the power of Spain in all parts of the archipelago. If, however, all did not at once join in the movement that should not cause surprise, for there would be many unable to assist owing to lack of arms and ammunition, while others, again, might be reluctant to take an active part in the campaign on account of the loss and inconvenience to themselves and families that would result, from open hostility to the Spaniards.

Thus ended my first interview with Admiral Dewey, to whom I signified my intention to reside for a while at the headquarters of the Naval Commandant of Cavite Arsenal.

The Revolution of 1898

I returned to the McCulloch to give directions for the landing of the luggage and war materials which I brought over with me from Hongkong. On my way to the McCulloch I met several of my old associates in the 1896 revolution who had come over from Bataan province. To these friends I gave two letters directing the people of that Page 20province and Zambales to rise against the Spaniards and vigorously attack them.

Before returning to the Arsenal and when near the landing place I came across several bancas [large open boats] loaded with revolutionists of Kawit (my birth-place) who told me they had been looking out for me for about two weeks, the Americans having announced that I would soon return to the islands. The feeling of joy which I experienced on the occasion of this reunion with my own kith and kin—people who had stood shoulder to shoulder with me in the desperate struggles of the 1896–97 revolution—is simply indescribable. Words fail to express my feelings—joy mingled with sadness and strong determination to accomplish the salvation, the emancipation, of my beloved countrymen. Hardly had I set foot in the Naval Headquarters at Cavite, at 4 o’clock in the afternoon, than I availed myself of the opportunity to give these faithful adherents orders similar to those despatched to Bataan and Zambales.

I was engaged the whole of that night with my companions drawing up orders and circulars for the above mentioned purpose.

We were also kept very busy replying to letters which were pouring in from all sides asking for news respecting the reported return of myself to the islands and requesting definite instructions regarding a renewal of hostilities against the Spaniards.Page 21

That the invisible, albeit irresistible, hand of Providence was guiding every movement and beneficently favouring all efforts to rid the country of the detestable foreign yoke is fairly evidenced by the rapid sequence of events above recorded, for in no other way can one account for the wonderful celebrity with which news of my projected return spread far and wide.

Sixty-two Volunteers, organized and armed by the Spaniards with Mausers and Remingtons, from San Roque and Caridad, placed themselves under my orders. At first the Americans apprehended some danger from the presence of this armed force, which was promptly placed on guard at the entrance to the Arsenal. When I heard of this I went down and gave them orders to occupy Dalajican, thereby preventing the Spaniards from carrying out their intention to approach Cavite by that route.

When the Americans were informed of what I had done they were reassured, and orders were given to the Captain of the Petrel to hand over to me the 62 rifles and ammunition which Admiral Dewey had kindly promised. About 10 a.m. the Petrel’s launch landed the arms and ammunition in question at the Arsenal and no time was lost in distributing the arms among the men who were by this time coming in ever increasing numbers to offer their services to me and expressing their willingness to be armed and assigned for duty at the outposts and on the firing line.Page 22

During the evening of the 20th May the old Revolutionary officer Sr. Luciano San Miguel (now a General in command of a Brigade) came to me and asked for orders, which were given to him to effect the uprising of the provinces of Manila, Laguna, Batangas, Tayabas, Bulakan, Morong, Pampanga, Tarlak, Newva Ecija and other northern provinces. He left the same night to execute the orders.

During the 21st, 22nd and 23rd and subsequent days of that month my headquarters were simply besieged by my countrymen, who poured into Cavite from all sides to offer their services in the impending struggle with the Spaniards. To such an extent, indeed, were my quarters in the Arsenal invaded that I soon found it necessary to repair to another house in the town, leaving the place entirely at the disposal of the U.S. Marines, who were then in charge of and guarding Cavite Arsenal.

The Dictatorial Government

On the 24th May a Dictatorial Government was established, my first proclamation being issued that day announcing the system of government then adopted and stating that I had assumed the duties and responsibilities of head of such government. Several copies of this proclamation were delivered to Admiral Dewey and through the favour of his good offices forwarded to the representatives of the Foreign Powers then residing in Manila, notwithstanding our lack of intercourse with Manila.Page 23

A few days later the Dictatorial Government was removed to the house formerly occupied by the Spanish Civil Governor of Cavite, because, owing to the great number of visitors from the provinces and the rapid increase of work the accommodation in the private house was wholly inadequate and too cramped. It was while quartered in the first mentioned house that glad tidings reached me of the arrival at Cavite of the long-expected arms expedition. The whole cargo, consisting of 1,999 rifles and 200,000 rounds of ammunition, besides other special munitions of war, was landed at the very same dock of the Arsenal, and was witnessed by the U.S.S. “Petrel.”

I immediately despatched a Commission to convey to the Admiral my thanks for the trouble he had taken in sending to hurry up the expedition. I also caused my Commissioners to inform the Admiral that I had fixed the 31st May as the day when the Revolutionary Forces should make a General attack upon the Spaniards. The Admiral returned the compliment by sending his Secretary to congratulate me and my Government upon the activity and enthusiasm displayed in preparing for the campaign, but he suggested that it was advisable to postpone the opening of the campaign to a later date in order that the insurgent troops might be better organized and better drilled. I replied to the Admiral through his Secretary that there was no cause for any anxiety for everything would be in perfect readiness by the 31st and, moreover, that the Filipinos were very anxious to Page 24free themselves from the galling Spanish yoke, that they would therefore fight and my troops would make up for any deficiency in discipline by a display of fearlessness and determination to defeat the common enemy which would go far to ensure success, I was, I added, nevertheless profoundly grateful to the Admiral for his friendly advice.

I promptly gave orders for the distribution of the arms which had just arrived, sending some to various provinces and reserving the remainder for the revolutionaries of Kawit, the latter being smuggled into the district of Alapang during the night of 27th May.

The First Triumphs

The next day (8th May, 1898), just when we were distributing arms to the revolutionists of Kawit, in the above mentioned district a column, composed of over 270 Spanish Naval Infantry, appeared in sight. They were sent out by the Spanish General, Sr. Peña, for the purpose of seizing the said consignment of arms.

Then it was that the first engagement of the Revolution of 1898 (which may be rightly styled a continuation of the campaign of 1896–97) took place. The battle raged from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m., when the Spaniards ran out of ammunition and surrendered, with all their arms, to the Filipino Revolutionists, who took their prisoners to Cavite. Page 25In commemoration of this glorious achievement I hoisted our national flag in presence of a great crowd, who greeted it with tremendous applause and loud, spontaneous and prolonged cheers for “Independent Philippines” and for “the generous nation”—the United States of America. Several officers and Marines from the American fleet who witnessed the ceremony evinced sympathy with the Filipino cause by joining in the natural and popular rejoicings of the people.

This glorious triumph was merely the prelude to a succession of brilliant victories, and when the 31st May came—the date fixed for general uprising of the whole of the Philippines—the people rose as one man to crush the power of Spain.

The second triumph was effected in Binakayan, at a place known as Polvorin, where the Spanish garrison consisting of about 250 men was attacked by our raw levvies and surrendered in a few hours, their stock of ammunition being completely exhausted.

I again availed myself of the opportunity to hoist our national flag and did so from an upper story of the Polvorin facing the sea, with the object of causing the sacred insignia of our Liberty and Independence to be seen fluttering in the breeze by the warships, representing all the great and civilized nations of the world, which were congregated in the harbour observing the providential evolution going on in the Philippines after upwards of three hundred years of Spanish domination.Page 26

Scarcely had another hour elapsed before another flag was seen flying over the steeple of the Church at Bakoor—which is also in full view of vessels in the harbour—being the signal of another triumph of our troops over the Spanish forces which held that town. The garrison consisted of about 300 men, who surrendered to the Revolutionary Army when their ammunition was exhausted.

And so the Revolution progressed, triumph following triumph in quick succession, evidencing the power, resolution and ability of the inhabitants of the Philippines to rid themselves of any foreign yoke and exist as an independent State, as I affirmed to Admiral Dewey and in respect of which he and several American Commanders and officers warmly congratulated me, specially mentioning the undeniable triumphs of the Philippine Army as demonstrated and proved by the great number of prisoners we brought into Cavite from all parts of Luzon.

The Philippine Flag

In conformity with my orders issued on the 1st of September, all Philippine vessels hoisted the national flag, the Marines of the Filipino flotilla being the first to execute that order. Our little flotilla consisted of some eight Spanish steam launches (which had been captured) and five vessels of greater dimensions, namely, the Taaleño, Baldyan, Taal, Bulucan, and Purisima Concepcion. Page 27These vessels were presented to the Philippine Government by their native owners and were converted by us, at our Arsenal, into gunboats, 8 and 9 centimetre guns, taken from the sunken Spanish warships, being mounted on board.

Ah! what a beautiful, inspiring joyous sight that flag was fluttering in the breeze from the topmasts of our vessels, side by side, as it were, with the ensigns of other and greater nations, among whose mighty warships our little cruisers passed to and fro dipping their colours, the ensign of Liberty and Independence! With what reverence and adoration it was viewed as it suddenly rose in its stately loneliness crowning our victories, and, as it were, smiling approvingly upon the undisciplined Philippine Army in the moment of its triumphs over the regular forces of the Spanish Government! One’s heart swells and throbs again with the emotions of extreme delight; the soul is filled with pride, and the goal of patriotism seems well-nigh reached in the midst of such a magnificent spectacle!

At the end of June I called on Admiral Dewey, who, after complimenting me on the rapid triumphs of the Philippine Revolution, told me he had been asked by the German and French Admirals why he allowed the Filipinos to display on their vessels a flag that was not recognized. Admiral Dewey said his reply to the French and German Admirals was—with his knowledge and consent the Filipinos used that flag, and, apart from this, Page 28he was of opinion that in view of the courage and steadfastness of purpose displayed in the war against the Spaniards the Filipinos deserved the right to use their flag.

I thereupon expressed to the Admiral my unbounded gratitude for such unequivocal protection, and on returning to the shore immediately ordered the Philippine flotilla to convey troops to the other provinces of Luzon and to the Southern islands, to wage war against the Spaniards who garrisoned them.

Expedition to Bisayas

The expedition to Bisayas was a complete success as far as the conveyance of our troops to the chief strategic points was concerned, our steamers returning safely to Cavite after landing the soldiers. The steamer Bulusan, however, which sailed for Masbate with Colonel Sr. Mariano Riego de Dios’ column destined for duty in Samar was sighted by the Spanish gunboats Elcano and Uranus, which gave chase, and the former proving the faster overtook and attacked the Bulusan doing so much damage to her that she foundered after a hot engagement in which considerable damage was done to the Spaniard. Happily the crew and troops on board of the Bulusan saved their lives by swimming ashore.

The Steamer “Compania de Filipinas”

In a few days the Spanish steamer Compania de Filipinas was brought to Cavite by my countrymen, Page 29who captured her in the harbour of Aparri. Cannon were at once mounted on board this vessel and she was loaded with troops and despatched for Olongapo, but she had not gone far before I sent another gunboat to recall her because Admiral Dewey requested me to do so in order that a question raised by the French Consul might be duly settled. The Admiral having been informed that when captured the Compania de Filipinas was flying the Spanish flag abstained from interfering in the matter and handed the French Consul’s protest over to me, affirming at the same time that he and his forces were in no way concerned in the matter.

This incident, which was soon settled, clearly demonstrates the recognition of and protection extended to the Philippine Revolution by Admiral Dewey.

The Filipinas (as this steamer has since been styled) was again despatched to Olongapo and on her way back landed troops in the provinces of Cagayan and the Batanes islands for the purpose of wresting the government of those districts from Spain. This steamer, whose name has more recently been changed to Luzon, is at present ashore in the Rio Grande, in Cagayan, where she was beached owing to some damage to her machinery.

When our steamers were leaving the harbour with troops for the provinces they dipped their ensigns in passing Admiral Dewey’s flagshipOlympia, performing this act in conformity with the rules of international courtesy, a demonstration Page 30of friendship that was invariably promptly responded to in the usual way.

The Proclamation of Independence

The Dictatorial Government decided that the proclamation of Independence should take place on the 12th June, the ceremony in connection therewith to be held in the town of Kawit. With this object in view I sent a Commission to inform the Admiral of the arrangement and invite him to be present on the occasion of the formal proclamation of Independence, a ceremony which was solemnly and impressively conducted. The Admiral sent his Secretary to excuse him from taking part in the proceedings, stating the day fixed for the ceremony was mail day.

About the end of that month (June) the Spanish gunboat Leyte escaped from the Macabebe river and reached Manila Bay, where she was seized by General Torres’ troops. She had on board part of the troops and volunteers which were under the command of the Filipino Colonel Sr. Eugenio Blanco, but on being sighted by an American gunboat she voluntarily surrendered. Admiral Dewey delivered to me all the prisoners and arms on board the vessel, which latter, however, he took possession of; but after the fall of Manila he demanded that I should give back the prisoners to him.

On the 4th July the first United States military expedition arrived, under command of General Page 31Anderson, and it was quartered in Cavite Arsenal. This distinguished General called on me in the Filipino Government House at Cavite, an honour and courtesy which I promptly returned, as was right and proper, seeing that we were friends, of equal rank, and allies. In the course of official intercourse General Anderson solemnly and completely endorsed the promises made by Admiral Dewey to me, asserting on his word of honour that America had not come to the Philippines to wage war against the natives nor to conquer and retain territory, but only to liberate the people from the oppression of the Spanish Government.

A few days before the arrival of this military expedition, and others that followed under command of General Merritt, Admiral Dewey sent his Secretary to my Government to ask me to grant permission for the stationing of American troops in Tambo and Maytubig, Paranaque and Pasay. In view of the important promises of Admiral Dewey, above mentioned, the Dictatorial Government consented to the movement of troops as proposed.

During that month (July) Admiral Dewey accompanied by General Anderson visited Cavite, and after the usual exchange of courtesies he said—“You have had ocular demonstration and confirmation of all I have told you and promised you. How pretty your flag is! It has a triangle, and is something like the Cubans’. Will you give me one as a memento when I go back home?”Page 32

I replied that I was fully satisfied with his word of honour and of the needlessness of having our agreement in documentary form. As to the flag he wanted, he could have one whenever he wished.

The Admiral continued: Documents are useless when there is no sense of honour on one side, as was the case in respect of the compact with the Spaniards, who failed to act up to what had been written and signed. Have faith in my word, and I assure you that the United States will recognize the independence of the country. But I recommend you to keep a good deal of what we have said and agreed secret at present. I further request you to have patience if any of our soldiers insult any Filipinos, for being Volunteers they are as yet undisciplined.

I replied that I would bear in mind all his advice regarding cautiousness, and that with respect to the misconduct of the soldiers orders had already been issued enjoining forbearance, and I passed the same remarks to the Admiral about unpleasantness possibly arising through lack of discipline of our own forces.

The Spanish Commission

At this juncture the Admiral suddenly changed the topic of conversation and asked—“Why don’t the people in Manila rise against the Spaniards as their countrymen in the provinces have done? Is it true that they accept the autonomy offered by General Augustin with a representativePage 33Assembly? Is the report which has reached me true, that a Filipino Commission has been sent from Manila to propose to you the acceptance of that autonomy coupled with a recognition of your rank of General, as well as recognition of the rank held by your companions?”

“The people of Manila,” I answered, “are quiet because they have no arms and because as merchants and landlords they fear that their valuable properties and money in the banks will be confiscated by the Spaniards if they rise up and begin burning and destroying the property of others. On this account they had ostensibly accepted autonomy, not because that was what they wanted but more as a means of deceiving the Spaniards and being allowed to live in peace; but I am confident that all the Filipinos in Manila are for independence, as will be proved the very day our troops capture Manila. At that time I fully expect the people of Manila will join with us in raising loud cheers for the Independence of the Philippines, making fresh demonstrations of loyalty to our Government.”

I also told him it was true that a Mixed Commission had arrived and in the name of General Augustin and Archbishop Nozaleda made certain proposals; but they made known to us their intention to adhere to our Cause. The members of the Commission said the Spaniards instructed them to say they came motu propio1 without being formally Page 34appointed or ‘coached’ by the Spanish authorities in what they should say, representing, on the contrary, that they were faithful interpreters of the sentiment of the people of Manila and that they had good reason for believing that if I was willing to accept autonomy General Augustin and Archbishop Nozaleda would recognize my rank of General, and that of my companions, would give me the $1,000,000 indemnity agreed upon at Biak-na-bató and still unpaid, as well as liberal rewards for and salaries to the members of a popular Assembly promises which the Commissioners did not put any faith in, though some of them held the opinion that the money should be accepted because it would reduce the funds of the Spanish Government and also because the money had been wrung from Filipinos. The Commissioners, I added, left after assuring me that the people in Manila would rise against the Spaniards if supplied with arms, and that the best thing I could do was to make an attack on Manila at the places they pointed out as being the weakest parts of the Spanish defense and consequently the easiest to overcome.

I thanked the Commission for their loyalty and straightforwardness, told them they would be given an escort to take them safely back to the Spanish lines, and that when they got back they should inform those who had sent them that they were not received because they were not duly accredited and that even if they had brought credentials according to what they had seen and heard from the Revolutionists Don Emilio Aguinaldo would certainly Page 35not consider, much less accept, their proposals respecting autonomy because the Filipino people had sufficient experience to govern themselves, that they are tired of being victimised and subjected to gross abuses by a foreign nation under whose domination they have no wish to continue to live, but rather wish for their independence. Therefore the Spaniards might prepare to defend their sovereignty, for the Filipino Army would vigorously assault the city and with unflagging zeal prosecute the siege until Manila was captured.

I also told the Commissioners to tell Archbishop Nozaleda that he was abusing the privileges and authority of his exalted position; that such conduct was at variance with the precepts of His Holiness the Pope, and if he failed to rectify matters I would throw light on the subject in a way which would bring shame and disgrace upon him. I added that I knew he and General Augustin had commissioned four Germans and five Frenchmen to disguise themselves and assassinate me in the vain hope that once I am disposed of the people of the Philippines would calmly submit to the sovereignty of Spain, which was a great mistake, for were I assassinated, the inhabitants of the Philippines would assuredly continue the struggle with greater vigor than ever. Other men would come forward to avenge my death. Lastly I recommended the Commissioners to tell the people in Manila to go on with their trades and industries and be perfectly at ease about our Government, whose actions were guided in the paths of rectitude and justice, and Page 36that since there were no more Friars to corrupt the civic virtues, the Filipino Government was now endeavouring to demonstrate its honesty of purpose before the whole world. There was therefore no reason why they should not go on with their business as usual and should not think of leaving Manila and coming into the Camp, where the resources were limited, where already more were employed than was necessary to meet the requirements of the Government and the Army, and where, too, the lack of arms was sorely felt.

The Commissioners asked me what conditions the United States would impose and what benefits they would confer on the Filipinos, to which I replied that is was difficult to answer that question in view of the secret I was in honour bound to keep in respect of the terms of the Agreement, contenting myself by saying that they could learn a good deal by carefully observing the acts, equivalent to the exercise of sovereign rights, of the Dictatorial Government, and especially the occular demonstrations of such rights on the waters of the harbour.

These statements, which were translated by my interpreter, Sr. Leyba, made such an impression on the Admiral that he interrupted, asking—“Why did you reveal our secret?” Do you mean that you do not intend to keep inviolate our well understood silence and watchword?

I said in reply that I had revealed nothing of the secret connected with him and the Consul.Page 37

The Admiral then thanked me for my cautiousness, bid we good-by and left with General Anderson, after requesting me to refrain from assaulting Manila because, he said, they were studying a plan to take the Walled City with their troops, leaving the suburbs for the Filipino forces.

He advised me, nevertheless, to study other plans of taking the city in conjunction with their forces, which I agreed to do.

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1 Of their own free will and accord—Translator.

More American Troops

A few days later American troops arrived, and with them came General Merritt. The Admiral’s Secretary and two officers came to the Dictatoriat Government and asked that we allow them to occupy our trenches at Maytubig; from the harbour side of that place right up to the main road, where they would form a continuation of our lines at Pasay and Singalong. This I also agreed to on account of the solemn promises of the Admiral and the trust naturally placed in them owing to the assistance rendered and recognition of our independence.

Ten days after the Americans occupied the trenches at Maytubig (this move being well known by the Spaniards who were entrenched at the Magazine in San Antonio Abad) their outposts, composed of a few men only, were surprised by the Spaniards, who made a night attack on them. They had barely time to get out of their beds and fall back on the centre, abandoning their rifles and six field-guns in their precipitate retreat.Page 38

The firing being distinctly heard, our troops immediately rushed to the assistance of our friends and allies, repulsing the Spaniards and recapturing the rifles and field-guns, which I ordered to be returned to the Americans as a token of our good-will and friendship.

General Noriel was opposed to this restitution, alleging that the arms did not belong to the Americans since the Filipino troops captured them from the Spaniards. But I paid no attention to the reasonable opposition of my General and gave imperative instructions that they be returned to the Americans, showing thereby clearly and positively the good-will of the Filipinos. The said rifles and field-guns, with a large quantity of ammunition, was therefore restored to those who were then our allies, notwithstanding the fact of General Noriel’s brigade capturing them at a cost of many lives of our compatriots.

Later on more American reinforcements arrived and again Admiral Dewey, through his Secretary, asked for more trenches for their troops, averring that those which we had given up to them before were insufficient. We at once agreed and their lines were then extended up to Pasay.

The Thirteenth of August

The 13th August arrived, on which day I noticed a general advance of the American land Page 39and sea forces towards Manila, the former being under command of General Anderson at Paranaque.

Subsequently I ordered a general assault of the Spanish lines and in the course of this movement General Pio del Pilar succeeded in advancing through Sampalok and attacked the Spanish troops who where defending the Puente Colgante,1 causing the enemy to fall back on the Bridge of Spain. The column commanded by our General, Sr. Gregorio II. del Pilar, took the suburbs of Pretil, Tendo, Divisoria and Paseo de Azcarraga, situated north of Manila city; while General Noriel’s command, near Pasay, took the suburbs of Singalong and Pako, and following the American column he out-flanked the Spaniards who were defending San Antonio Abad. The Spanish officers observing General Noriel’s move ordered their men to retreat towards the Walled City, whereupon the Americans who held the foremost trenches entered Malate and Ermita without firing a shot. At this point the Americans met General Noriel’s troops who had captured the above mentioned suburbs and were quartered in the building formerly used by the Exposicion Regional de Filipinas,2 in the Normal, and in Sr. Perez’ house in Paco.

In Santa Ana (the eastern section of Manila) General Ricarto successfully routed five companies of Spaniards, being aided in this by the manoeuvres of General Pio del Pilar’s brigade.Page 40

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1 Suspension bridge.—Translator.

2 Philippine Local Exhibition.—Translator.

First Clouds

Our troops saw the American forces landing on the sea shore near the Luneta and Paseo de Santa Lucia, calling the attention of everybody to the fact that the Spanish soldiers in the city forts were not firing on them (the Americans), a mystery that was cleared up at sunset when details of the capitulation of Manila, by General Jaudenes in accordance with terms of an agreement with General Merritt, became public property—a capitulation which the American Generals reserved for their own benefit and credit in contravention of the agreement arrived at with Admiral Dewey in the arrangement of plans for the final combined assault on and Page 41capture of Manila by the allied forces, American and Filipino.

Some light was thrown upon this apparently inexplicable conduct of the American Commanders by the telegrams which I received during that day from General Anderson, who wired me from Maitubig asking me to issue orders forbidding our troops to enter Manila, a request which I did not comply with because it was not in conformity with the agreement, and it was, moreover, diametrically opposed to the high ends of the Revolutionary Government, that after going to the trouble of besieging Manila for two months and a half, sacrificing thousands of lives and millions of material interests, it should be supposed such sacrifices were made with any other object in view than the capture of Manila and the Spanish garrison which stubbornly defended the city.

But General Merritt, persistent in his designs, begged me not only through the Admiral but also through Major Bell to withdraw my troops from the suburbs to (as it was argued) prevent the danger of conflict which is always to be looked for in the event of dual military occupation; also by so doing to avoid bringing ridicule upon the American forces; offering, at the same time, in three letters, to negotiate after his wishes were complied with. To this I agreed, though neither immediately nor at one time, but making our troops retire gradually up to the blockhouses in order that the whole of the inhabitants of Manila should witness the proceedings of our troops and amicability toward our American allies.

Up to that time, and in fact right up to the time when the Americans openly commenced hostilities against us, I entertained in my soul strong hopes that the American Commanders would make absolute with their Government the verbal agreement made and entered into with the Leader of the Philippine Revolution, notwithstanding the indications to the contrary which were noticeable in their conduct, especially in respect of the conduct of Admiral Dewey, who, without any reason or justification, one day in the month of October seized all our steamers and launches.

Being informed of this strange proceeding, and at the time when the Revolutionary Government Page 42had its headquarters in Malolos, I despatched a Commission to General Otis to discuss the matter with him. General Otis gave the Commissioners a letter of recommendation to the Admiral to whom he referred them; but the Admiral declined to receive the Commission notwithstanding General Otis’s recommendation.

Notwithstanding the procedure of the American Commanders, so contrary to the spirit of all the compacts and antecedents above mentioned, I continued to maintain a friendly attitude towards them, sending a Commission to General Merritt to bid him farewell on the eve of his departure for Paris. In his acknowledgement of his courtesy General Merritt was good enough to say that he would advocate the Filipino Cause in the United States. In the same manner I sent to Admiral Dewey a punal1 in a solid silver scabbard and a walking stick of the very best cane with gold handle engraved by the most skilful silversmiths as a souvenir and mark of our friendship. This the Admiral accepted, thereby in some measure relieving my feelings and the anxiety of my compatriots constituting the Revolutionary Government, whose hearts were again filled with pleasant hopes of a complete understanding with Admiral Dewey.

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1 Short sword—Translator.

Vain Hopes

Vain indeed became these hope when news arrived that Admiral Dewey had acted and was Page 43continuing to act against the Revolutionary Government by order of His Excellency Mr. McKinley, who, prompted by the “Imperialist” party, had decided to annex the Philippines, granting, in all probability, concessions to adventurers to exploit the immense natural wealth lying concealed under our virgin soil.

This news was received in the Revolutionary camp like a thunderbolt out of a clear sky. Some cursed the hour and the day we treated verbally with the Americans; some denounced the ceding of the suburbs, while others again were of opinion that a Commission should be sent to General Otis to draw from him clear and positive declarations on the situation, drawing up a treaty of amity and commerce if the United States recognize our independence or at once commence hostilities if the States refused.

In this crisis I advised moderation and prudence, for I still had confidence in the justice and rectitude of United States Congress, which, I believed, would not approve the designs of the Imperialist party and would give heed to the declarations of Page 44Admiral Dewey, who, in the capacity of an exalted Representative of the United States in these Islands concerted and covenanted with me and the people of the Philippines recognition of our independence.

In fact in no other way was such a serious matter to be regarded, for if America entrusted to Admiral Dewey the honour of her forces in such a distant region, surely the Filipinos might equally place their trust in the word of honour of such a polished, chivalrous gentleman and brave sailor, in the firm belief, of course, that the great and noble American people would neither reject his decision nor expose to ridicule the illustrious conqueror of the Spanish fleet.

In the same way the not less known and notorious circumstances, that the American Commanders who came soon after the echoes of the Admiral’s victory reached their native shores, namely, Generals Merritt, Anderson and Otis, proclaimed to the people of the Philippines that America did not come to conquer territories, but to liberate its inhabitants from the oppression of Spanish Sovereignty. I would therefore also expose to universal ridicule and contempt the honour of these Commanders if the United States, by repudiating their official and public acts, attempts to annex these islands by conquest.

The American Commission

With such prudent as well as well founded reflections, I succeeded in calming my companions shortly before the official news arrived reporting that the Washington Government, acting on Admiral Dewey’s suggestion, had intimated its intention to despatch a Civil Commission to Manila which would treat with the Filipinos with a view Page 45to arriving at a definite understanding respecting the government of the Islands.

Joy and satisfaction now filled the breasts of all the Revolutionists, and I thereupon set about the appointment of a Commission to meet the American Commissioners. At the same time I gave strict orders that the most friendly relations should be maintained with the Americans, enjoining toleration and overlooking of the abuses and atrocities of the soldiery because the effect on the Commissioners would not be good it they found us at loggerheads with their nation’s forces.

But the abases of the Americans were now becoming intolerable. In the market-place at Arroceros they killed a woman and a little boy under the pretext that they were surprising a gambling den, thus causing the greatest indignation of a great concourse of people in that vicinity.

My Adjutants, too, who hold passes permitting them to enter Manila with their uniform and sidearms, were molested by being repeatedly stopped by every patrol they met, it, being perfectly evident that, the intention was to irritate them by exposing them to public ridicule.

While this sort of thing was going on as against our people the American Commanders and officers who visited our camp were treated with the utmost courtesy and consideration.

In Lacoste Street an American guard shot and killed a boy seven years of age for taking a banana from a Chinaman.Page 46

The searching of houses was carried on just as it was during the Spanish regime, while the American soldiers at the outposts often invaded our lines, thus irritating our sentries. It would make this book a very large volume if I continued to state seriatim the abuses and atrocities committed by the American soldiery in those days of general anxiety.

It seemed as if the abuses were authorised or at least winked at in official quarters for the purpose of provoking an outbreak of hostilities. Excitement ran high among all classes of people, but the Filipino Government, which had assumed responsibility for the acts of the people, by the constant issue of prudent orders succeeded in calming the excited populace and maintained peace, advising all sufferers to be patient and prudent pending the arrival of the Civil Commission.

Impolitic Acts

At such a critical juncture as this, and before the anxiously-awaited Civil Commission arrived, it occurred to General Otis, Commandant of the American forces, to commit two more impolitic acts. One of them was the order to search our telegraph offices in Sagunro Street, in Tondo, where the searching party seized the apparatus and detained the officer in charge, Sr. Reyna, in the Fuerza Santiago1 under the pretext that he was conspiring against the Americans.Page 47

How and why was Sr. Reyna conspiring? Was not this sufficient for the Filipino Government to give the order to attack and rescue Reyna and thereby we (eight thousand strong) be plunged immediately into war with the United States? Was there any reason for conspiring when the power was in our own hands? And, above all, would a telegraphist, be likely to interfere in affaires de guerre when there was an army near by to attend to such matters?

It was abundantly manifest that the object was by wounding the feelings of and belittling the Filipino Government to provoke a collision, and it was clear also that this system of exasperating us was not merely the wanton act of the soldiery but was actually prompted by General Otis himself, who, imbued with imperialistic tendencies, regarded the coming of the Civil Commission with disfavour and especially would it be unsatisfactory that this Commission should find the Philippines in a state of perfect tranquility, because it was evident to the said General, as well as to the whole world, that the Filipinos would assuredly have arrived at a definite amicable agreement with the aforesaid Commission if it reached the islands while peace prevailed.

We, the Filipinos, would have received the Commission with open arms and complete accord as honourable Agents of the great American nation. The Commissioners could have visited all our provinces, seeing and taking note of the complete tranquility throughout our territory. They Page 48could have seen our cultivated lands, examined our Constitution and investigated the administration of public affairs in perfect peace and safety, and have felt and enjoyed the inimitable charm of our Oriental style,—half negligent, half solicitude, warmth and chilliness, simple confidence and suspiciousness; characteristics which cause descriptions of contact with us to be depicted by foreigners in thousands of different hues.

Ah! but neither did General Otis nor the Imperialists wish for such a landscape. It was better for their criminal designs that the American Commission should view the desolation and horrors of war in the Philippines, inhaling on the very day of their arrival the revolting odour emitted from American and Filipino corpses. It was better for their purposes that that gentleman, Mr. Schurman, President of the Commission, should return from Manila, limiting his investigation to inquiries among the few Filipinos, who, seduced with gold, were siding with the Imperialists. It were better for them that the Commission should view the Philippines problem through fire and slaughter, in the midst of whizzing bullets and the uncontrolled passion of infuriated foes, thus preventing them from forming correct judgment of the exact and natural conditions of the problem. Ah! it was, lastly, better that the Commission return to the States defeated in its mission of obtaining peace and blaming me and other Filipinos for its inability to settle matters, when, in reality, I and all the Philippine people were longing that that Page 49peace had been concluded yesterday,—long before now—but an honest and honourable peace, honourable alike for the United States and the Philippine Republic in order that it be sincere and everlasting.

The second impolitic act of General Otis was the issue of a proclamation on the 4th of January, 1899, asserting in the name of President McKinley the sovereignty of America in these islands, with threats of ruin, death and desolation to all who declined to recognize it.

I, Emilio Aguinaldo—though the humble servant of all, am, as President of the Philippine Republic, charged with the safeguarding of the rights and independence of the people who appointed me to such an exalted position of trust and responsibility—mistrusted for the first time the honour of the Americans, perceiving of course that this proclamation of General Otis completely exceeded the limits of prudence and that therefore no other course was open to me but to repel with arms such unjust and unexpected procedure on the part of the commander of friendly forces.

I protested, therefore, against such a proclamation—also threatening an immediate rupture of friendly relations,—for the whole populace was claiming that an act of treason had been committed, plausibly asserting that the announcement of the Commission applied for by Admiral Dewey was a ruse, and that what General Otis was scheming for was to keep us quiet while he brought reinforcement after reinforcement from the United Page 50States for the purpose of crashing our untrained and badly equipped Army with one blow.

But now General Otis acted for the first time like a diplomatist, and wrote me, through his Secretary, Mr. Carman, a letter inviting the Filipino Government to send a Commission to meet an American Commission for the purpose of arriving at an amicable arrangement between both parties; and although I placed no trust in the professions of friendly intentions of the said General—whose determination to prevent the Commission arriving at a peaceful solution of the difficulties was already evident—I acceded to the request, partly because I saw the order, dated 9th January, given by the above mentioned General confirmed, and on the other hand to show before the whole world my manifest wishes for the conservation of peace and friendship with the United States, solemnly compacted with Admiral Dewey.

---

1 The “Black Hole” of Manila.

The Mixed Commission

Conferences of the Mixed Commission, Americans and Filipinos, were held in Manila from the 11th to the 31st of the said month of January, the Filipino Commissioners clearly expressing the wish of our people for recognition as an independent nation.

They also frankly stated the complaints of the Filipino people about the abuses and atrocities of the American soldiery, being attentively andPage 51benevolently listened to by the American Commissioners. The latter replied that they had no authority to recognize the Filipino Government, their mission being limited to hearing what the Filipinos said, to collect data to formulate the will of our people and transmit it fully and faithfully to the Government of Washington, who alone could arrive at a definite decision on the subject. These conferences ended in perfect harmony, auguring well for happier times and definite peace when Mr. McKinley should reply to General Otis’s telegrams transmitting our wishes with his favourable recommendations, as the American Commissioners said.

Outbreak of Hostilities

While I, the Government, the Congress and the entire populace were awaiting the arrival of such a greatly desired reply, many fairly overflowing with pleasant thoughts, there came the fatal day of the 4th February, during the night of which day the American forces suddenly attacked all our lines, which were in fact at the time almost deserted, because being Saturday, the day before a regular feast day, our Generals and some of the most prominent officers had obtained leave to pass the Sabbath with their respective families.

General Pantaleon Garcia was the only one who at such a critical moment was at his post in Maypajo, north of Manila, Generals Noriel, Rizal and Ricarte and Colonels San Miguel, Cailles and others being away enjoying their leave.Page 52

General Otis, according to trustworthy information, telegraphed to Washington stating that the Filipinos had attacked the American Army. President McKinley read aloud the telegram in the Senate, where the Treaty of Paris of the 10th December, 1898, was being discussed with a view to its ratification, the question of annexation of the Philippines being the chief subject of debate, and through this criminal procedure secured the acceptation of the said Treaty in toto by a majority of only three votes,1 which were cast simultaneously with a declaration that the voters sided with the “Ayes” on account of war having broken out in these Islands.

This singular comedy could not continue for a great length of time because the Filipinos could never be the aggressors as against the American forces, with whom we had sworn eternal friendship and in whose power we expected to find the necessary protection to enable us to obtain recognition of our independence from the other Powers.

The confusion and obfuscation of the first moments was indeed great, but before long it gave place to the light of Truth which shone forth serene, bringing forth serious reflections.

When sensible people studied the acts of Mr. McKinley, sending reinforcement after reinforcement to Manila at a time after an armistice was agreed upon and even when peace with Spain Page 53prevailed; when they took into account that the despatch of the Civil Commission to settle terms of a treaty of amity with the Filipinos was being delayed; when, too, they knew of the antecedents of my alliance with Admiral Dewey, prepared and arranged by the American Consuls of Singapore and Hongkong, Mr. Pratt and Mr. Wildman; when they became acquainted with the actual state of affairs on the 4th February knowing that the Filipinos were awaiting the reply of Mr. McKinley to the telegram of General Otis in which he transmitted the peaceful wish of the Filipino people of live as an independent nation; when, lastly, they riveted their attention to the terms of the Treaty of Paris, the approval of which, in as far as it concerned the annexation of the Philippines, was greeted with manifestations of joy and satisfaction by the Imperialist party led by Mr. McKinley, then their eyes were opened to the revelations of truth, clearly perceiving the base, selfish and inhuman policy which Mr. McKinley had followed in his dealings with us the Filipinos, sacrificing remorselessly to their unbridled ambition the honour of Admiral Dewey, exposing this worthy gentleman and illustrious conqueror of the Spanish fleet to universal ridicule; for no other deduction can follow from the fact that about the middle of May of 1898, the U.S.S. McCullochbrought me with my revolutionary companions from Hongkong, by order of the above mentioned Admiral, while now actually the United States squadron is engaged in bombarding the towns and ports held by these Page 54revolutionists, whose objective is and always has been Liberty and Independence.

The facts as stated are of recent date and must still be fresh in the memory of all.

Those who in May, 1898, admired the courage of Admiral Dewey’s sailors and the humanitarianism of this illustrious Commander in granting visible aid to an oppressed people to obtain freedom and independence, surely cannot place an honest construction upon the present inhuman war when contrasting it with those lofty and worthy sentiments.

I need not dwell on the cruelty which, from the time of the commencement of hostilities, has characterized General Otis’s treatment of the Filipinos, shooting in secret many who declined to sign a petition asking for autonomy. I need not recapitulate the ruffianly abuses which the American soldiers committed on innocent and defenseless people in Manila, shooting women and children simply because they were leaning out of windows; entering houses at midnight without the occupants’ permission—forcing open trunks and wardrobes and stealing money, jewellery and all valuables they came across; breaking chairs, tables and mirrors which they could not carry away with them, because, anyhow, they are consequences of the war, though improper in the case of civilized forces. But what I would not leave unmentioned is the inhuman conduct of that General in his dealings with the Page 55Filipino Army, when, to arrange a treaty of peace with the Civil Commission, of which Mr. Schurman was President, I thrice sent emissaries asking for a cessation of hostilities.

General Otis refused the envoys’ fair and reasonable request, replying that he would not stop hostilities so long as the Philippine Army declined to lay down their arms.

But why does not this Army deserve some consideration at the hands of General Otis and the American forces? Had they already forgotten the important service the Filipino Army rendered to the Americans in the late war with Spain?

Had General Otis forgotten the favours conferred on him by the Filipino Army, giving up to him and his Army the suburbs and blockhouses which at such great sacrifice to themselves the Filipinos had occupied?

Why should General Otis make such a humiliating condition a prime factor or basis of terms of peace with an Army which stood shoulder to shoulder with the American forces, freely shedding its blood, and whose heroism and courage were extolled by Admiral Dewey and other Americans?

This unexplained conduct of General Otis, so manifestly contrary to the canons of international law and military honour, is eloquent testimony of his deliberate intention to neutralize the effects of Mr. Schurman’s pacific mission.

What peace can be concerted by the roaring of cannon and the whizzing of bullets?Page 56

What is and has been the course of procedure of General Brooke in Cuba? Are not the Cubans still armed, notwithstanding negotiations for the pacification and future government of that Island are still going on?

Are we, perchance, less deserving of liberty and independence than those revolutionists?

Oh, dear Philippines! Blame your wealth, your beauty for the stupendous disgrace that rests upon your faithful sons.

You have aroused the ambition of the Imperialists and Expansionists of North America and both have placed their sharp claws upon your entrails!

Loved mother, sweet mother, we are here to defend your liberty and independence to the death! We do not want war; on the contrary, we wish for peace; but honourable peace, which does not make you blush nor stain your forehead with shame and confusion. And we swear to you and promise that while America with all her power and wealth could possibly vanquish us; killing all of us; but enslave us, never!!!

No; this humiliation is not the compact I celebrated in Singapore with the American Consul Pratt. This was not the agreement stipulated for with Mr. Wildman, American Consul in Hongkong. Finally, it was not the subjection of my beloved country to a new alien yoke that Admiral Dewey promised me.Page 57

It is certain that these three have abandoned me, forgetting that I was sought for and taken from my exile and deportation; forgetting, also, that neither of these three solicited my services in behalf of American Sovereignty, they paying the expense of the Philippine Revolution for which, manifestly, they sought me and brought me back to your beloved bosom!

If there is, as I believe, one God, the root and fountain of all justice and only eternal judge of international disputes, it will not take long, dear mother, to save you from the hands, of your unjust enemies. So I trust in the honour of Admiral Dewey: So I trust in the rectitude of the great people of the United States of America, where, if there are ambitious Imperialists, there are defenders of the humane doctrines of the immortal Monroe, Franklin, and Washington; unless the race of noble citizens, glorious founders of the present greatness of the North American Republic, have so degenerated that their benevolent influence has become subservient to the grasping ambition of the Expansionists, in which latter unfortunate circumstance would not death be preferable to bondage?

Oh, sensible American people! Deep is the admiration of all the Philippine people and of their untrained Army of the courage displayed by your Commanders and soldiers. We are weak in comparison with such Titanic instruments of your Government’s ambitious Caesarian policy and find it difficult to effectively resist their courageous Page 58onslaught. Limited are our warlike resources, but we will continue this unjust, bloody, and unequal struggle, not for the love of war—which we abhor—but to defend our incontrovertible rights of Liberty and Independence (so dearly won in war with Spain) and our territory which is threatened by the ambitions of a party that is trying to subjugate us.

Distressing, indeed, is war! Its ravages cause us horror. Luckless Filipinos succumb in the confusion of combat, leaving behind them mothers, widows and children. America could put up with all the misfortunes she brings on us without discomfort; but what the North American people are not agreeable to is that she should continue sacrificing her sons, causing distress and anguish to mothers, widows and daughters to satisfy the whim of maintaining a war in contravention of their honourable traditions as enunciated by Washington and Jefferson.

Go back, therefore, North American people, to your old-time liberty. Put your hand on your heart and tell me: Would it be pleasant for you if, in the course of time, North America should find herself in the pitiful plight, of a weak and oppressed people and the Philippines, a free and powerful nation, then at war with your oppressors, asked for your aid promising to deliver you from such a weighty yoke, and after defeating her enemy with your aid she set about subjugating you, refusing the promised liberation?Page 59

Civilized nations! Honourable inhabitants of the United States, to whose high and estimable consideration I submit this unpretentious work, herein you have the providential facts which led to the unjust attack upon the existence of the Philippine Republic and the existence of those for whom, though unworthy, God made me the principal guardian.

The veracity of these facts rests upon my word as President of this Republic and on the honour of the whole population of eight million souls, who, for more than three hundred years have been sacrificing the lives and wealth of their brave sons to obtain due recognition of the natural rights of mankind—liberty and independence.

If you will do me the honour to receive and read this work and then pass judgment impartially solemnly declaring on which side right and justice rests, your respectful servant will be eternally grateful.

(Signed) Emilio Aguinaldo. Tarlak, 23rd September, 1899.

---

1 Many of the American papers reported that the majority was one vote only in excess of the absolutely requisite two-thirds majority.

Index

• I.—The Revolution of 1896 1
• II.—The Treaty of Peace of Biak-na-bató 4
• III.—Negotiations 6
• IV.—The Revolution of 1898 19
• V.—The Dictatorial Government 22
• VI.—The First Triumphs 24
• VII.—The Philippine Flag 26
• VIII.—Expedition to Bisayas 28
• IX.—The Steamer “Compania de Filipinas” 28
• X.—The Proclamation of Independence 30
• XI.—The Spanish Commission 32
• XII.—More American Troops 37
• XIII.—The 13th August 38
• XIV.—First Clouds 40
• XV.—Vain Hopes 42
• XVI.—The American Commission 44
• XVII.—Impolitic acts 46
• XVIII.—The Mixed Commission 50
• XIX.—Outbreak of Hostilities 51

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2090 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2121 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2121#respond Sun, 13 Oct 2013 22:14:05 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2121

Baybayin – The Ancient Script of the Philippines  by Paul Morrow

 

This language of ours is like any other,
it once had an alphabet and its own letters
that vanished as though a tempest had set upon
a boat on a lake in a time now long gone.

“To My Fellow Children”,
attributed to Jose Rizal, 1869
English translation by P. Morrow

The tempest in Rizal’s verse struck the Philippines in the 16th century. It was the Spanish Empire and the lost alphabet was a script that is known today as the baybayin.

Contrary to the common misconception, when the Spaniards arrived in the islands they found more than just a loose collection of backward and belligerent tribes. They found a civilization that was very different from their own. The ability to read and write is the mark of any civilization and, according to many early Spanish accounts, the Tagalogs had already been writing with the baybayin for at least a century. This script was just beginning to spread throughout the islands at that time. Furthermore, the discovery in 1987 of an inscription on a sheet of copper in Laguna is evidence that there was an even more advanced script in limited use in the Philippines as far back as the year 900 C.E.  (See The Laguna Copperplate Inscription)

Continue at: http://www.mts.net/~pmorrow/bayeng1.htm

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Baybayin: The Lost Filipino Script (Part 1) by Indio Historian

The Baybayin as we know it today is an ancient Filipino system of writing, a set of 17 characters or letters that had spread throughout the Philippine archipelago in the sixteenth century. The graphic contours of the Baybayin are distinguished by smoothly flowing curvilinear strokes that convey both suppleness and strength.

For some history enthusiasts, never ever ever ever call Baybayin “Alibata”. This name was invented by Paul Versoza who thought that Baybayin came from Arabic and thus named it ‘Alif-bata,’ the first letters of the Arabic script. Recent studies suggest that Baybayin may have come from Sanskrit, the ancient Indian script, brought to the Philippine shores by Indian traders.

Where did the name Baybayin come from? The word ‘baybay’ in ancient Tagalog means ‘to spell’ or in modern Filipino, ‘syllable.’ As early as 900 AD, there are tidbits of evidences that the ancients in our islands had a sophisticated way of writing. As to why it quickly disappeared comes from the fact that we were never a print culture like China and Korea, that used paper and built large libraries of scrolls to preserve their history, their memory. Another factor is the effective colonization of Spain by the forcing of the houses of ‘natives’ to be gathered around a town-square called ‘reducciones’ close to the church and the alcaldes for the close supervision of the Spanish authorities.

Continue at: http://indiohistorian.tumblr.com/post/13097309564/baybayin-the-lost-filipino-script-part-1-the

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Way Of The Balisong

An independent documentary film project that examines the history and culture of the Balisong Knife.

BE ON THE LOOKOUT FOR OUR KICKSTARTER CAMPAIGN STARTING SOON!!!

Synopsis>

From the Batangas region of the Philippines, to the cutlery factories of Oregon-USA, to the practitioners and aficionados connected by the World Wide Web, this film examines the origins, history and culture of the notorious Balisong Knife.

Well-known from its appearance in films and popularity among blade enthusiasts,  often overlooked is the small town which made the knife famous, now struggling to maintain its identity in a modernizing world.

Help Make This Film>

The Film is one-third through it’s principle completion.  Finishing the film will require your help.  If you would like to support this project and be a part of history please join our mailing list and follow us on facebook / twitter to stay tuned to announcement for our Kickstarter funding campaign, starting on October 7th.

 

https://www.facebook.com/WayOfTheBalisong
www.wayofthebalisong.com
https://twitter.com/BalisongMovie

 

Help Make This Film

 

‘Way of the Balisong’ is a passion project that started from a visit to the heritage town of Taal, in the Batangas region of the Philippines by filmmaker Paul Factora in 2012.

After hearing about the plight of the people in Barangay Balisong and speaking with prominent blade merchant Diosdado Ona about the disappearing industry within the Town it was named after,  a decision was made to return and document their story.

After 2 subsequent trips to the Philippines, the story expanded. Originally intended as a short 10 minute piece, it became apparent that the tale of the Balisong knife was not relegated to just the Philippines and in order to tell the full story the project must also grow.
It wasn’t just about a knife, it became about the people who pioneered a craft that spread throughout the world and how that craft is now dwindling away.

Along with a couple of friends & cameras one-third of the principle photography was shot in the Philippines completely self funded.

Completing the film in it’s envisioned entirety, will require another trip to the Philippines and several interviews shot throughout the U.S.
‘Way Of The Balisong’ will need YOUR help to be completed.

Please join our mailing list to recieve updates on our Kickstarter Campaign beginning October 7, 2013 and stay tuned to learn what you can do to help make ‘Way Of The Balisong’ a reality.

http://www.wayofthebalisong.com/about.html

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Anting-Anting Stories

And Other

Strange Tales of the Filipinos

By Sargent Kayme

Boston: Small, Maynard & Company 1901

[Contents]Copyright, 1901, by
Small, Maynard & Company
(Incorporated)Entered at Stationers’ HallPress of
J. J. Arakelyan
Boston, U.S.A.[V]

[Contents]

Foreword

The life of the inhabitants of the far-away Eastern islands in which the people of the United States are now so vitally interested opens to our literature a new field not less fresh and original than that which came to us when Mr. Kipling first published his Indian tales. India had always possessed its wonders and its remarkable types, but they waited long for adequate expression. No less wonderful and varied are the inhabitants and the phenomena of the Philippines, and a new author, showing rare knowledge of the country and its strange peoples, now gives us a collection of simple yet powerful stories which bring them before us with dramatic vividness.

Pirates, half naked natives, pearls, man-apes, towering volcanoes about whose summits clouds and unearthly traditions float together, strange animals and birds, and stranger men, pythons, bejuco ropes stained with human blood, feathering palm trees now fanned by soft breezes and now crushed to the ground by tornadoes;—on no mimic stage was ever a more [VI]wonderful scene set for such a company of actors. That the truly remarkable stories written by Sargent Kayme do not exaggerate the realities of this strange life can be easily seen by any one who has read the letters from press correspondents, our soldiers, or the more formal books of travel.

Strangest, perhaps, of all these possibilities for fiction is the anting-anting, at once a mysterious power to protect its possessor and the outward symbol of the protection. No more curious fetich can be found in the history of folk-lore. A button, a coin, a bit of paper with unintelligible words scribbled upon it, a bone, a stone, a garment, anything, almost—often a thing of no intrinsic value—its owner has been known to walk up to the muzzle of a loaded musket or rush upon the point of a bayonet with a confidence so sublime as to silence ridicule and to command admiration if not respect.

The Editor.[VII]

[Contents]

Contents

1. The Anting-Anting of Captain Von Tollig1
2. The Cave in the Side of Coron21
3. The Conjure Man of Siargao41
4. Mrs. Hannah Smith, Nurse65
5. The Fifteenth Wife93
6. “Our Lady of Pilar”113
7. A Question of Time131
8. The Spirit of Mount Apo153
9. With What Measure Ye Mete179
10. Told at the Club195
11. Pearls of Sulu211

[3]

[Contents]

Anting-Anting Stories

The Anting-Anting of Captain Von Tollig

There had been a battle between the American forces and the Tagalogs, and the natives had been driven back. The stone church of Santa Maria, around which the engagement had been hottest, and far beyond which the native lines had now been driven, had been turned into a hospital for the wounded Tagalogs left by their comrades on the field. Beneath a broad thatched shed behind the church lay the bodies of the dead, stiff and still under the coverings of cocoanut-fibre cloth thrown hastily over them. The light of a full tropic moon threw the shadow of the roof over them like a soft, brown velvet pall. They were to be buried between day-break and sunrise, that the men who buried them might escape the heat of the day.

The American picket lines had been posted a quarter of a mile beyond the church, near which no other guards had been placed. Not long after midnight a surgeon, one of the two [4]men left on duty in the church, happened to look out through a broken window towards the shed, and in the shadow, against the open moonlight-flooded field beyond, saw something moving. Looking close he could make out the slim, brown figure of a native passing swiftly from one covered form to another, and turning back the cocoanut-fibre cloth to look at each dead man’s face.

Calling the man who was working with him the surgeon pointed out the man beneath the shed to him. “That fellow has no business there,” he said, “He has slipped through the lines in some way. He may be a spy, but even if he is not, he is here for no good. We must capture him.”

“All right,” was the answer. “You go around the church one way, and I will come the other.”

When the surgeon, outside the hospital, reached a place where he could see the shed again, the Tagalog had ceased his search. He had found the body he was looking for, and sunk down on his knees beside it was [5]searching for something in the clothing which covered the dead man’s breast. A moment later he had seen the men stealing towards him from the church, had cleared the open space beneath the shed at a leap, and was off in the moonlight, running towards the outposts. The surgeons swore; and one fired a shot after him from his revolver.

“Might as well shoot at the shadow of that palm tree,” the one who had shot said. “Anyway it will wake up the pickets, and they may catch him.

“What do you suppose he was after?” he added.

“Don’t know,” said his companion. “You wait, and I’ll get a lantern and we will see.”

The lantern’s light showed the clothing parted over a dead man’s body, and the fragment of a leather thong which had gone about his neck, with broken ends. Whatever had been fastened to the thong was gone, carried away by the Tagalog when he had fled.

The next morning a prisoner was brought [6]to headquarters. “The picket who caught him, sir,” the officer who brought the prisoner reported, “said he heard a shot near the church where the wounded natives are; and then this man came running from that way.”

The surgeons who had been on night duty at the hospital were sent for, and their story heard.

“Search the man,” said the officer in command.

The native submitted to the ordeal in sullen silence, and made no protest, when, from some place within his clothing, there was taken a small, dirty leather bag from which two broken ends of leather thong still hung. Only his eyes followed the officer’s hands wolfishly, as they untied the string which fastened the bag, and took from it a little leather-bound book not more than two inches square. The officer looked at the book curiously. It was very thin, and upon the tiny pages, yellow with age, there was writing, still legible, although the years which had stained the paper yellow had faded the [7]ink. He spelled out a few words, but they were in a language which he did not know. “Take the man to the prison,” he said. “I will keep the book.”

Later in the day the officer called an orderly. “Send Lieutenant Smith to me,” he said.

By one of the odd chances of a war where, like that in the Philippines, the forces at first must be hastily raised, Captain Von Tollig and the subordinate officer for whom he had sent, had been citizens of the same town. The captain had been a business man, shrewd and keen,—too keen some of his neighbors sometimes said of him. Lieutenant Smith was a college man, a law student. It had been said of them in their native town that both had paid court to the same young woman, and that the younger man had won in the race. If this were so, there had been no evidence on the part of either in the service to show that they were conscious of the fact. There had been little communication between them, it is true, but when there had been the [8]subordinate officer never overlooked the deference due his superior.

“I wish you would take this book,” said Captain Von Tollig, after he had told briefly how the volume happened to be in his possession, “and see if you can translate it. I suspect it must be something of value, from the risk this man took to get it; possibly dispatches from one native leader to another, the nature of which we ought to know.”

The young man took the queer little book and turned the pages curiously. “I hardly think what is written here can be dispatches,” he said, “The paper and the ink both look too old for that. The words seem to be Latin; bad Latin, too, I should say. I think it is what the natives call an ‘anting-anting;’ that is a charm of some kind. Evidently this one did not save the life of the man who wore it. Probably it is a very famous talisman, else they would not have run such a risk to try to get it back.”

“Can you read it?”

“Not off hand. With your permission I [9]will take it to my tent, and I think I can study it out there.”

“Do so. When you make English of it I’d like to know what it says. I am getting interested in it”

The lieutenant bowed, and went away.

“Bring that prisoner to me,” the captain ordered, later in the day.

“Do you want to go free?” he asked, when the Tagalog had been brought.

“If the Señor wills.”

“What is that book?”

The man made no answer.

“Tell me what the book is, and why you wanted it; and you may go home.”

“Will the Señor give me back the book to carry home with me?”

“I don’t know. I’ll see later about that.”

“It was an ‘anting-anting.’ The strongest we ever knew. The man who had it was a chief. When he was dead I wanted it.”

“If this was such a powerful charm why was the man killed who had it on. Why didn’t it save him?”[10]

The Tagalog was silent.

“Come. Tell me that, and you may go.”

“And have the book?”

“Yes; and have the book.”

“It is a very great ‘anting-anting.’ It never fails in its time. The man who made it, a famous wise man, very many years ago, watched one whole month for the secrets which the stars told him to write in it; but the last night, the night of the full moon, he fell asleep, and on that one day and night of the month the ‘anting-anting’ has no good in it for the man who wears it. Else the chief would not be dead. You made the attack, that day. Our people never would.”

“Lieutenant Smith to see you, sir,” an orderly announced.

“All right. Send him in; and take this fellow outside.”

“But, Señor,” the man’s eyes plead for him as loudly as his words; “the ‘anting-anting.’ You said I could have it and go.”

“Yes, I know. Go out and wait.”[11]

“What do you report, Lieutenant? Can you read it?”

“Yes. This is very singular. There is no doubt but the book is now nothing but a charm.”

“Yes. I found that out.”

“But I feel sure it was originally something more than that. Something very strange.”

“What?”

“It purports to be the record of the doings of a man who seems to have died here many years ago, written by himself. It tells a strange story, which, if true, may be of great importance now. To make sure the record would be kept the writer made the natives believe it was a charm, while its being written in Latin kept the nature of its message from them.”

“Have you read it?”

“Most of it. Sometimes a word is gone—faded out;—and a few words I cannot translate;—I don’t remember all my Latin. I have written out a translation as nearly as I [12]can make it out.” He handed a paper to the captain, who read:

“I, Christopher Lunez, am about to die. Once I had not thought that this would be my end,—a tropic island, with only savages about me. I had thought of something very different, since I got the gold. Perhaps, after all, there is a curse on treasure got as that was. If there is, and the sin is to be expiated in another world, I shall know it soon. I did not—”

Here there was a break, and the story went on.

”—— all the others are dead, and the wreck of our ship has broken to bits and has disappeared. Before the ruin was complete, though, I had brought the gold on shore and buried it. No one saw me. The natives ran from us at first, far into the forest, and ——”

The words which would have finished the sentence were wanting.

“Where three islands lie out at sea in a line with a promontory like a buffalo’s head, I sunk the gold deep in the sands, at the foot of [13]the cliff, and dug a rude cross in the rock above it. Some day I hope a white man guided by this, will find the treasure and—”

“There was no more,” said the lieutenant, when the captain, coming to this sudden end looked up at him. “The last few pages of the book are gone, torn out, or worn loose and lost. What I have translated was scattered over many pages, with disconnected signs and characters written in between. The book was evidently intended to be looked upon as a mystic talisman, probably that the natives on this account might be sure to take good care of it.

“All of the Tagalogs who can procure them, carry these ‘anting-anting.’ Some are thought to be much more powerful than others. Evidently this was looked upon as an unusually valuable charm. Sometimes they are only a button, sewed up in a rag. One of the prisoners we took not long ago wore a broad piece of cloth over his breast, on which was stained a picture of a man killing another with a ‘barong.’ He believed that [14]while he wore it no one could kill him with that weapon; and thought the only reason he was not killed in the skirmish in which he was captured was because he had the ‘anting-anting’ on.”

“Do you believe the story which the book tells is true?” the captain inquired.

“I don’t know. Some days I think I could believe anything about this country.”

“Have you shown the book to any one else, or told any one what you make out of it?”

“No.”

“Do not do so, then. That is all, now. I will keep the book,” he added, putting the little brown volume inside his coat.

Several days later the officer in charge of the quarters where the native prisoners were confined reported to the captain: “One of the prisoners keeps begging to be allowed to see you, sir,” he said. “He says you told him he might go free. Shall I let him be brought up here?”

“Yes. Send him up.”

“Well?” said Captain Von Tollig, when the [15]man appeared at headquarters, and the orderly who had brought him had retired.

“The little book, Señor. You said I could have it back, and go.”

“Yes. You may go. I will have you sent safely through our lines; but the book I have decided to keep.”

The man’s face grew ash-colored with disappointment or anger. “But, Señor,” he protested. “You told me ——”

“I know; but I have changed my mind. You can go, if you wish, without the book, or not, just as you choose.”

“Then I will stay,” the Tagalog said slowly, adding a moment later, “My people will surely slay me if I go back to them without the book.”

“Very well.” The captain called for the guard, and the man was taken back to prison; but later in the day an order was sent that he be released from confinement and put to work with some other captured natives about the camp.

During the next two or three weeks a [16]stranger to Tagalog methods of warfare might very reasonably have thought the war was ended, so far as this island, at least, was concerned. The natives seemed to have disappeared mysteriously. Even the men who had been longest in the service were puzzled to account for the sudden ceasing of the constant skirmishing which had been the rule before. The picket lines were carried forward and the location of the camp followed, from time to time, as scouting parties returned to report the country clear of foes. The advance would have been even more rapid, except for the necessity of keeping communication open at the rear with the harbour where two American gunboats lay at anchor.

As a result of one of the advances the camp was pitched one night upon a broad plateau looking out upon the sea. Inland the ground rose to the thickly forest-clad slope of a mountain, to which the American officers felt sure the Tagalogs had finally retreated. Early in the evening, when the heat of the [17]day had passed, a group of these officers were standing with Captain Von Tollig in the center of the camp, examining the mountain slope with their glasses.

“What did you say was the name of this place?” one of the officers asked a native deserter who had joined the American forces, and at times had served as a guide to the expedition.

“That is Mt. Togonda,” he answered, pointing to the hills before them, “and this,” swinging his hand around the plateau on which the camp’s tents were pitched, “is La Plaza del Carabaos.”

The captain’s eyes met those of Lieutenant Smith.

“La Plaza del Carabaos” means “The Square of the Water Buffalos.”

As if with one thought the two men turned and looked out to sea. The sun had set. Against the glowing western sky a huge rock at the plateau’s farthest limit was outlined. Rough-carved as the rock had been by the chisel of nature, the likeness to a water buffalo’s [18]head was striking. Beyond the rock three islands lay in a line upon the sunset-lighted water. Far out from the foot of the cliff the two men could hear the waves beating upon the sand.

“This is an excellent place for a camp,” the captain said when he turned to his men again. “I think we shall find it best to stay here for some time.”

---

 

Perhaps a month of respite from attack had made the sentries careless; perhaps it was only that the Tagalogs had spent the time in gathering strength. No one can ever know just how that wicked slaughter of our soldiers in the campaign on that island did come about.

The Tagalogs swept down into the camp that night as a hurricane might have blown the leaves of the mountain trees across the plateau; and then were gone again, leaving death, and wounds worse than death, behind them.

When our men had rallied, and had come [19]back across the battle-ground, they found among the others, the captain lying dead outside his tent. A Tagalog dagger lay beside the body, and the uniform had been torn apart until the officer’s bare breast showed.

The first full moon of the month shone down upon the dead man’s white, still face.[23]

[Contents]

The Cave in the Side of Coron

A “barong” is a Moro native’s favourite weapon. With one deft whirl, and then a downward slash of the keen steel blade he can cleave the skull of an opponent from crown to teeth, or cut an arm clean from the shoulder socket.

When I was sent with a squad of brave men from my company to reconnoitre from Mt. Halcon, in the Island of Mindoro, and the force was ambushed, the way I saw the men meet death will always make me hate a Moro. Why I was spared, then, and bound, instead of being killed like the men, I could not imagine. Later I knew.

The Moros had no business to be on Mindoro, anyway. Their home was in Mindanao, far to the south, but three hundred years of Spanish attempt to rule them had left them still an untamed people, and the war between the two races had been endless. Each year when the southwest monsoons had blown, the Moro war-proas had gone northward [24]carrying murder and pillage wherever they had appeared. When the Spanish were not too much occupied elsewhere they fitted out retaliatory expeditions which left effects of little permanence. That year the Moros had found not Spaniards but a small force of American troops, sent south from Manila, and from them had cut off my little scouting squad. It made no difference to them that we were of another nation. They cared nothing for a change in rulers. We were white, and Christians; that was enough. We were to be slain.

The leader of the Moros was a tall old man with glittering eyes set in a gloomy face. I watched him as I lay bound on the deck of one of the war-proas; for, fearing attack I suppose, soon after my capture the sails had been spread and the fleet of boats turned to the south.

“Feed him” the chief had said, when night came on, and pointed to me with his foot. I thought then I had been saved from death for [25]slavery, and deemed that the worst fate possible, I did not know the Moro nature.

On the afternoon of the fifth day out, we passed Busuanga and approached a small rocky island which I afterwards learned was Coron. So far as could be seen no human habitation was near, and far to the south stretched the unbroken waters of the Sulu Sea. The chief gave an order in the Moro tongue, and a black and yellow flag was run up to the mast head. In response to the signal all the proas of the fleet joined us in a little bay at the end of the island, and dropped anchor. At one side of the bay it would be possible to land and climb from there to the top of the island, from which, everywhere else, as far as I could see, a sheer cliff came down three hundred feet to where the waves beat against the jagged rocks at its base.

The smaller boats which had been towed behind the larger craft were cast off and brought alongside the chief’s proa. I was lifted into one and rowed to a place where we could [26]land. My feet had been untied, but my hands were still fastened behind my back. Two Moros grasped me by the arms and guided me between them. They would not let me turn my head, but I could hear the voices of men following us. The chief led the way. He did not speak or pause until we had reached the level summit of the island. When he did speak it was in Spanish, which he had learned that I understood. We were halted on the very edge of the precipice. Far down below the little fleet of war-proas floated lightly on the water, the black and yellow signal still fluttering from the flag ship. I could see now that the men that had come up the path behind me had brought a quantity of ropes. Perhaps there were thirty men in all. I wondered what they were going to do with me, but had decided that any fate was better than to be a Moro slave.

“Men of Mindanao,” said the chief, “you know our errand. You know how often men of our band have been captured by the white men of the north to lie in prisons there, where [27]death comes so slowly that a ‘barong’ blow would be paradise. The few that have crept back to us, weak, hollow-eyed and trembling, have only come to show us what it meant to starve, and then have died. The sky is just, and gives us once and again a white man to whom we may show that the prophet’s words ‘an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth,’ are just. Give the white dog his due.”

Two men grasped me and wound a stout rope, coil after coil, about me from my neck to my feet, until I was as helpless as a swathed Egyptian mummy. One end of another rope was fastened in a slip-noose about my body, and a dozen of the men, sitting well back from the edge of the cliff and bracing themselves one against another, paid out the rope.

The chief himself, touching me with his foot as he would have touched some unclean thing, rolled me over the brink of the precipice. The sharp rocks cut my face until the blood came, but that meant little to a man [28]who expected to be dropped upon rocks just as sharp three hundred feet beneath him.

Slowly I was lowered down the face of the cliff until, perhaps twenty feet down, I found to my surprise that my descent had ceased, and that I was dangling before the mouth of a cave of considerable size. While I swung there, wondering what would happen next, the end of a rope ladder flung down from above dropped across the opening in the side of the cliff, and a moment later two agile Moros climbed down the ladder and from it entered the cave. From where they stood it was easy for them to reach out and haul me in after them, as a bale of merchandise swinging from a hoisting pulley is hauled in through a window.

Loosening the slip-knot they fastened into it the rope which had been coiled about my body, and giving it a jerk as a signal the whole was drawn up out of sight. Then, binding my feet again, they laid me on the hard rock near the mouth of the cave, and climbed [29]nimbly back as they had come. The rope ladder was drawn up, and I was left alone.

I was to be left there to starve. That was what the chief’s “eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth” had meant.

From where they had left me I could see the proas at anchor, and see the rocky point on which we had landed. That night they built a fire on the rocks where I could see it; and feasted there with songs and dancing. Whenever the wind freshened, the smell of the broiling fish came up to where I was, and I understood then why it was that I had not been fed that day as usual on the deck of the war-proa. I began to realise something of the depths of cruelty of the Moro nature. “Began,” I say, for I found out later that even then I did not measure it all.

In the morning the proas were still at anchor, and during the day and night there was more feasting. Sometime that day I freed my hands. I found that the thongs had been nearly cut. Evidently the men who left me had meant that I should free myself. It [30]was easy then to untie the rope which bound my ankles, but weak as I was from hunger, and cramped from being so long bound, it was some time before I could bear my weight upon my feet. When I could it was the morning of the second day of my imprisonment and the third that I had been without food. The men below were sleeping after their carouse, stretched out on the decks of the proas. A sentinel on the rocky point poked the smouldering embers of the fire and raking out some overdone fragments of fish made a breakfast from them and pitched the bones into the sea. Only those who have lived three days without food can understand how delicious even those cast-off fish bones looked to me. I walked away from the mouth of the cave to be where I could not see the man eat. The daylight enabled me to explore the interior of the cave more thoroughly than I had been able to do before. From a crevice, far within, a tiny thread of water trickled down the rock. It was too thin to be called a stream, and was dried up entirely by the air [31]before it reached the mouth of the cave, but I found that I could press my hand against the rock and after a long time gather water enough to moisten my lips and throat. For even that I was thankful. At least I should not die of thirst.

Still farther in the cave I found a pile of something lying on the floor. I could not see in the dark there what it was, but brought a double handful out to the light. It was a fragment of a military uniform wrapped loosely around some human bones. Dangling from the cloth was a corroded button on which I could still discern the insignia of Spain. I flung the horrid relics as far out from the cave as my weak strength would let me, and sank down, wondering how long it would be until the bones and uniform of a soldier of the United States would lie rotting there beside those of a soldier of Spain.

A shout from below aroused me. A Moro had seen the fragments of cloth fluttering down and had greeted them. The men had landed on the rocky point again, and a party [32]of them were coming up the path. Slung on a pole carried over the shoulders of two of them was a piece of fish net, through the meshes of which I could see a dozen cocoanuts.

There was food; delicious food! And they were bringing it to me! I understood it all now. They had not meant to starve me, but only to torture me before they took me on to slavery. How good that was. Slavery did not seem hard to me now. Slavery was better than starvation. Oh I would work gladly enough, no matter how hard the task, if I could only have food.

The men had passed out of sight, now, climbing upward, and by and by I heard them talking above me. I leaned as far out from the mouth of the cave as in my weakness I dared, and looked up. Yes, I was right. The bag of cocoanuts was being lowered to me. I could see the black face of the Moro who was directing the operation, peering over the edge of the cliff. I sank down, too weak to stand. I thought I must save what little[33]strength I had to break a nut against the rock, when they reached me.

I could see the bottom of the fish net bag. Now it was even with the cave. I could reach it if it was only a little nearer. Why did not those foolish Moros swing it nearer? I leaned out from the cave again to try and signal to them.

What was this I saw? Not one, but twenty black faces grinning down at me with devilish cruelty. And the bag of food that I had waited for, hung by a rope from the end of the pole pushed out from the rock above, swung lazily around and around just beyond my reach. I made a frantic effort to grasp it, and barely saved myself from falling headlong. The fiendish laughter of the men above was answered by a chorus of shouts from below. I looked down. From the decks of the proas and from about the fire on shore, where another feast was beginning, the Moro men were watching me.

Then I understood for the first time the depths of Moro cruelty. I was to be baited [34]there until, crazed by hunger, I flung myself to an awful death upon the rocks below. I wondered how many men, perhaps braver soldiers than I, had gone down there before me.

I would not. If die I must, I would at least cheat those gibbering fiends of their show. I would die as that other man had done, far in the cave and out of sight. I dragged myself in, drank from the little stream of water, and lay down. I must have slept, or lain in a stupor for several hours, since, when I recovered myself again, it was late afternoon.

From where I lay I could see the bag of cocoanuts swing in the breeze. Perhaps it had blown nearer and I could reach it. I dragged myself out to the mouth of the cave again. It was just as far away as ever, and I too weak now to try to reach it. After a time I began to realise that there was no noise from the revelers below. I looked down. The bay was empty. The proas had gone, the men gone with them, and not a breath of smoke rising from the ashes showed [35]where their fires had been. They must have put out their fires. Dimly I wondered why. Anyway I had cheated them of their game. They had become discouraged, waiting to see me die, and had gone.

These thoughts were passing weakly through my mind, when suddenly I saw something which made me stand up, weak as I was. Far out across the Strait of Mindoro a streamer of black smoke showed against the sky. My eyes followed it to where a gray hull rested on the water. It was one of our gunboats bound from Ilo Ilo back to Manila. I shouted, faintly, forgetting that miles of space lay between her and myself. I knew when I stopped to think that she was going from me. Even if she had come near Coron she had passed while I lay asleep.

That was why the proas had gone. They had seen the streak of smoke, and slipping behind the island of Coron had gone around Culion, and so on, home.

I must have slept for some time after that, for when I was next conscious of anything it [36]was the forenoon of another day, and the cave was flooded with the bright light of noon. I did not suffer anything now. That seemed to have passed. I lay quite easy, and wondered what it was that had aroused me. After a while I could tell. It was the ceaseless twittering of a flock of birds which were flying in and out of the cave. They had not been there before, nor had I seen them about. They must have come during the night. I thought if I could catch one I would eat it, but I decided it was useless to try to catch them, they darted about so swiftly. By and by I felt sure that this was so, for I could see that the birds were swallows, and there came into my mind a vivid picture of the high beams of my father’s barn, away in Vermont, when I was a boy, and the barn swallows flashing like arrows through the star-shaped openings far up in the gable ends.

Two of the birds had lighted on the wall opposite me, clinging to the rock. I wondered what they were doing there. Perhaps I could catch them. I would try. I found that [37]I could rise, and that I was much stronger than I had thought. Even a hope of food seemed to give me strength. I crept towards the birds and put out my hand. The birds flew, and dodging me swept out into the sunlight. I was near enough the side of the cave now to see what they had been doing. Fastened to the rock was the beginning of what was to be a nest.

Once, years before that, I had been the guest of honor at a ten course Chinese dinner. After the tiny China cups of fiery liquor, which was the first course, had been drunk, the servant brought on what looked to me like fine white sponges boiled in chicken broth. My host told me that this was birds’ nest soup, the most famous dish of China, made of material worth its weight in gold. It came back to me now that he had added that the best nests were gathered in the Philippine Islands. Little did I imagine then what that scrap of table conversation might one day mean to me.

I pulled the nest down and ate it. It [38]looked like white glue, and tasted like beef jelly. I looked for another, and found it and ate it. There were no more. I drank my fill of water, when I could get it, which took some time, and then I lay down and went to sleep. I felt as if I had eaten a full meal. When I woke I could almost have danced, I felt so strong and well again. In my new strength I even tried to reach the bag of cocoanuts, but they hung just as far off as ever, and that was so far no breeze quite swung them within my reach. No matter! While I had slept, the birds had been at work, and half a dozen half-formed nests were glued to the rocks in easy reach. They grew like mushrooms in the night. I pulled down two and ate them. For dinner I had two more, and one for supper.

After that I had no cause to suffer, so far as food and water were concerned. When the birds built faster than my immediate wants required, I tore the completed nests down before the builders could spoil them, and stored [39]them away. The birds twittered and scolded, but began to build again.

How long this would have lasted I do not know, but one morning when I woke and came to the mouth of the cave to look out, I saw that in the night a Chinese junk, with broad latteen sails, had dropped anchor in the bay below.

The shout of joy I gave came near being my ruin, for when the Chinese sailors heard it, and looked up to see a white faced figure gesticulating wildly in a hole in the front of the cliff, so far above them they thought, quite reasonably enough, that they had discovered the door to the home of the evil one himself, and that one of his ministers was trying to entice them to enter. Fortunately they could not flee until the anchor was raised and the sails unfurled, and before this was done their curiosity and common sense combined had conquered their fear. The leader of the expedition, I learned later, had been to Coron before, and now, lighting a few joss sticks as a precaution, in case I did prove [40]to be an evil spirit, he climbed to the top of the cliff where he could talk with me. He had seen Moro fish nets and proa masts before, and he knew the Moro nature, so it did not take long to make him understand my story, nor much longer for him to effect my release, for these Chinese nest-hunting expeditions go fitted with all manner of rock scaling machinery in the way of rope ladders, slings and baskets.

I was very kindly treated on board the junk through all the month the party stayed there gathering nests, but when the men came to know my story, and learned how for two weeks I had lived on nothing but swallows’ nests, worth their weight in gold, remember, they used to look at me, some of them, in a way which made me almost wonder if sometime when I was asleep they might not kill me, as the farmer’s wife killed the goose that laid the golden egg.[43]

[Contents]

The Conjure Man of Siargao

When I woke that morning, the monkey was sitting on the footboard of my bed, looking at me. Not one of those impudent beasts that do nothing but grin and chatter, but a solemn, old-man looking animal, with a fatherly, benevolent face.

All the same, monkeys are never to be trusted, even if you know more about them than I could about one which had appeared unannounced in my sleeping room over night.

“Filipe!” I shouted, “Filipe!”

The woven bamboo walls of a Philippine house allow sound and air to pass freely, and my native servant promptly entered the room.

“Take that monkey away,” I said.

“Oh Señor,” cried Filipe. “Never! You cannot mean it. The Conjure man of Siargao brought him to you this morning, as a gift. Much good always comes to the house which the Conjure man smiles on.”

“Who in the name of Magellan is the Conjure [44]man, and why is he smiling on me?” I asked.

“He is an old, old man who has lived back in the mountains for many years. He knows more conjure charms than any other man or woman in Siargao. The mountain apes come to his house to be fed, and people say that he can talk with them. He left no message, but brought the monkey, and said that the beast was for you.”

“Well, take the creature out of the room while I dress, can’t you?”

“Si, Señor,” Filipe replied; but the way in which he went about the task showed that for him, at least, a gift monkey from the Conjure man of Siargao was no ordinary animal. The monkey, after gravely inspecting the hand which Filipe respectfully extended to him, condescended to step from the footboard of the bed upon it, and be borne from the room.

After that the “wise man,” for I gave the little animal this name, was a regular member of my family, and in time I came to be attached to him. He was never mischievous or [45]noisy, and would sit for an hour at a time on the back of a chair watching me while I wrote or read. He was expert in catching scorpions and the other nuisances of that kind which make Philippine housekeeping a burden to the flesh, and never after he was brought to me did we have any annoyance from them. He seemed to feel that the hunting of such vermin was his especial duty, and, in fact, I learned later that he had been regularly trained to do this.

Chiefly, though, he helped me in the increase of prestige which he gave me with the natives. Filipe treated me with almost as much respect as he did the monkey, when he realised that for some inscrutable reason the Conjure man had chosen to favour me with his friendship. The villagers, after that early morning visit, looked upon my thatched bamboo hut as a sort of temple, and I suspect more than once crept stealthily up conveniently close trees at night to try to peer between the slats of which the house was built, [46]to learn in that way if they could, what the inner rooms of the temple were like.

My house was “up a tree.” Up several trees, in fact. Like most of those in Siargao it was built on posts and the sawed off trunks of palm trees. The floor was eight feet above the ground, and we entered by way of a ladder which at night we drew up after us, or rather I drew up, for since Filipe slept at home, the “wise man” and I had our house to ourselves at night. The morning the monkey came, Filipe was prevailed upon to borrow a ladder from another house, and burglarise my home to the extent of putting the monkey in.

I had been in Siargao for two years, as the agent of a Hong Kong firm which was trying to build up the hemp industry there. That was before the American occupation of the islands. The village where I lived was the seaport. I would have been insufferably lonesome if I had not had something to interest me in my very abundant spare time, for during much of the year I was, or rather I [47]had supposed I was, with the exception of the Padre, the only white man on the island. Twice a year the Spanish tax collector came and stayed long enough to wring every particle of money which he possibly could out of the poor natives, and then supplemented this by taking in addition such articles of produce as could be easily handled, and would have a money value in Manila.

The interest which I have referred to as sustaining me was in the plants, trees and flowers of the island. I was not a trained naturalist, but I had a fair knowledge of commercial tropic vegetation before I came to the island, and this had proved a good foundation to work on. Our hemp plantation was well inland, and in going to and from this I began to study the possibilities of the wild trees and plants. It ended in my being able to write a very fair description of the vegetation of this part of the archipelago, explaining how many of the plants might be utilized for medicine or food, and the trees for lumber, dyestuffs or food.[48]

One who has not been there cannot begin to understand the possibilities of the forests under the hands of a man who really knows them. One of the first things which interested me was a bet Filipe made with me that he could serve me a whole meal, sufficient and palatable, and use nothing but bamboo in doing this.

The only thing Filipe asked to have to work with was a “machete,” a sharp native sword. With this he walked to the nearest clump of bamboo, split open a dry joint, and cutting out two sticks of a certain peculiar shape made a fire by rubbing them together. Having got his fire he split another large green joint, the center of which he hollowed out. This he filled with water and set on the fire, where it would resist the action of the heat until the water in it boiled, just as I have seen water in a pitcher plant’s leaf in America set on the coals of a blacksmith’s fire and boiled vigorously. In this water he stewed some fresh young bamboo shoots, which make a most delicious kind of [49]“greens,” and finally made me from the wood a platter off which to eat and a knife and fork to eat with. I acknowledged that he had won the bet.

It was on one of the excursions which I made into the forest in my study of these natural resources, that I met the Conjure man. I had been curious to see him ever since he had called on me that morning before I was awake, and left the “wise man,” in lieu of a card, but inquiry of Filipe and various other natives invariably elicited the reply that they did not know where he lived. I learned afterwards that the liars went to him frequently, for charms and medicines to use in sickness, at the very time they were telling me that they did not even know in what part of the forest his home was. Later events showed that fear could make them do what coaxing could not.

It happened that one of my expeditions took me well up the side of a mountain which the natives called Tuylpit, so near as I could catch their pronunciation. I never saw the [50]name in print. The mountain’s sides were rocky enough so that they were not so impassable on account of the dense under-growth as much of the island was, and I had much less trouble than usual going forward after I left the regular “carabaos” (water buffalo) track.

I had gone on up the mountain for some distance, Filipe, as usual, following me, when, turning to speak to him, I found to my amazement that the fellow was gone. How, when or where he had disappeared I could not imagine, for he had answered a question of mine only a moment before.

If I had been surprised to find myself alone, I was ten times more surprised to turn back again and find that I was not alone.

A man stood in the path in front of me, an old man, but standing well erect, and with keen dark eyes looking out at me from under shaggy white eyebrows.

I knew at once, or felt rather than knew, for the knowledge was instinctive, that this must be the Conjure man of Siargao, but I [51]was dumbfounded to find him, not, as I had supposed, a native, but a white man, as surely as I am one. Before I could pull myself together enough to speak to him, he spoke to me, in Spanish, calling me by name.

“You see I know your name,” he said, and then added, as if he saw the question in my eyes, “Yes, it was I who brought the monkey to your house. I knew so long as he was there no man or woman on this island would molest you.

“You wonder why I did it? Because in all the time you have been here, and in all your going about the island, you have never cruelly killed the animals, as most white men do who come here. The creatures of the forest are all I have had to love, for many years, and I have liked you because you have spared them. How I happened to come here first, and why I have stayed here all these years, is nothing to you. Quite likely you would not be so comfortable here alone with me if you knew. Anyway, you are not to know. You are alone, you see. Your servant took good [52]care to get out of the way when he knew that I was coming.”

“How did you know my name,” I made out to ask, “and so much about me?”

“The natives have told me much of you, when they have been to me for medicines, which they are too thickheaded to see for themselves, although they grow beneath their feet. Then I have seen you many times myself, when you have been in the forest, and had no idea that I, or any one, for that matter, was watching you.”

“Why do I see you now, then?” I asked.

“Because the desire to speak once more to a white man grew too strong to be resisted. Because you happened to come, to-day, near my home, to which,” he added, with a very courteous inclination of his head, “I hope that you will be so good as to accompany me.”

I wish that I could describe that strange home so that others could see it as I did.

Imagine a big, broad house, thatched, and built of bamboo, like all of those in Siargao, that the earthquakes need not shake them [53]down, but built, in this case, upon the ground. A man to whom even the snakes of the forest were submissive, as they were to this man, had no need to perch in trees, as the rest of us must do, in order to sleep in safety. Above the house the plumy tops of a group of great palm trees waved in the air. Birds, more beautiful than any I had ever seen on the island, flirted their brilliant feathers in the trees around the house, and in the vines which laced the tops of the palm trees together a troop of monkeys was chattering. The birds showed no fear of us, and one, a gorgeous paroquet, flew from the tree in which it had been perched and settled on the shoulder of the Conjure man. The monkeys, when they saw us, set up a chorus of welcoming cries, and began letting themselves down from the tree tops. My guide threw a handful of rice on the ground for the bird, and tossed a basket of tamarinds to where the monkeys could get them. Then, having placed me in a comfortable hammock woven of cocoanut fibre, and brought me a pipe and [54]some excellent native tobacco, he slung another hammock for himself, and settled down in it to ask me questions.

Imagine telling the news of the world for the last quarter of a century to an intelligent and once well-educated man who has known nothing of what has happened in all that time except what he might learn from ignorant natives, who had obtained their knowledge second hand from Spanish tax collectors only a trifle less ignorant than themselves.

Just in the middle of a sentence I became aware that some one was looking at me from the door of the house behind me. Somebody or something, I had an uncomfortable feeling that I did not quite know which. I twisted around in the hammock to where I could look.

An enormous big ape stood erect in the doorway, steadying herself by one hand placed against the door casing. She was looking at me intently, as if she did not just know what to do.

My host had seen me turn in the hammock. [55]“Europa,” he said, and then added some words which I did not understand.

The huge beast came towards me, walking erect, and gravely held out a long and bony paw for me to shake. Then, as if satisfied that she had done all that hospitality demanded of her, she walked to the further end of the thatch verandah and stood there looking off into the forest, from which there came a few minutes later the most unearthly and yet most human cry I ever heard.

I sprang out of my hammock, but before I could ask, “what was that?” the big ape had answered the cry with another one as weird as the first.

“Sit down, I beg of you,” my host said. “That was only Atlas, Europa’s mate, calling to her to let us know that he is nearly home. They startled you. I should have introduced them to you before now.”

While he was still talking, another ape, bigger than the first, came in sight beneath the palms. Europa went to meet him, and they came to the house together.[56]

As I am a living man that enormous animal, uncanny looking creature, walked up to me and shook hands. The Conjure man had not spoken to him, that was certain. If any one had told him to do this it must have been Europa. The demands of politeness satisfied, the strange couple went to the farther side of the verandah and squatted down in the shade.

“Can you talk with them?” I suddenly made bold to ask.

“Who told you I could?” the Conjure man inquired sharply.

“Filipe,” I said.

But his question was the only answer my question ever received.

Later, when I said it was time for me to start for home, he set me out a meal of fruit and boiled rice. I quite expected to hear him order Europa to wait on the table, but he did not, and when I came away, and he came with me down the mountain as far as the “carabaos” track, the two big apes stayed on the verandah as if to guard the house.[57]

When we parted at the foot of the mountain, although I am sure he had enjoyed my visit, my strange host did not ask me to come again, and when he gently declined my invitation for him to come and see me, I did not repeat it. I had a feeling that it would do no good to urge him, and that if a time ever came when he wanted to see me again he would make the wish known to me of his own accord.

It was not more than a month after my visit to the mountain home that the Spanish tax collector came for his semi-annual harvest. The boat which brought him would call for him a month later, and in the intervening time he would have got together all the property which could be squeezed or beaten out of the miserable natives. This particular man had been there before, and I heartily disliked him, as the worst of his kind I had yet seen. Inasmuch as he represented the government to which I also had to pay taxes and was, except for the Padre, about the only white man I saw unless it was when some of our own [58]agents came to Siargao, I felt disgusted when I saw that this man had returned. He brought with him, on this trip, as a servant, a good-for-nothing native who had gone away with him six months before to save his neck from the just wrath of his own people for a crime which he had committed. Secure in the protection afforded by his employer’s position, and the squad of Tagalog soldiers sent to help in collecting the taxes, this man had the effrontery to come back and swell about among his fellow people, any one of whom would have cut his throat in a minute if they could have done it without fear of detection by the tax collector.

I noticed, though, that the servant was particularly careful to sleep in the same house with his master, and did not go home at night, as Filipe did. The government representative had a house of his own, which was occupied only when he was on the island. It was somewhat larger than the other houses of the place, but like them was built on posts well up from the ground, and [59]reached by a ladder which could be taken up at will, as, I noticed, it always was at night.

When the collector had been in Siargao less than a week, I was surprised to have him come to my place one day and ask me abruptly if I had ever seen any big apes in my excursions over the island.

I am obliged to confess that I lied to him very promptly and directly, for I told him at once that I never had. You see there had come into my mind at once what the lonely old man on the mountain had said about men who came and killed the animals he loved, and I could see as plainly as when I left them there, the two big apes sitting on the verandah of his home, watching us as we came down the mountain path, and waiting to welcome him when he came home.

The “wise man,” sitting on top of the tallest piece of furniture in the room, to which he had promptly mounted when my caller came in, said nothing, but his solemn eyes looked at me in a way which makes me half willing to [60]swear that he had understood every word, and countenanced my untruthfulness.

The tax collector looked up at the monkey suspiciously, as if he sometime might have heard how the animal came into my possession, as, in fact, I had reason afterwards to think he had.

“Caramba,” he grunted. “I have reason to think there are big apes here. Juan,” his black-leg—in every sense of the word—servant, “has told me there is an old man here who has tamed them. He says he knows where the man lives, back in the mountains.

“If I can find a big ape while I am here, this time,” he went on, “I mean to have him or his hide. There was an agent for a museum of some kind in England, in Manila when I came away, and he told me he would give me fifty dollars for the skin of such a beast.”

He went on talking in this way for quite a while, but I did not more than half hear what he was saying, for I was trying to think of some way in which I could send word to the old man to guard his companions. I finally [61]decided, however, that Juan, though quite vile enough to do such a thing, would never dare to guide his employer to the Conjure man’s house.

I did not properly measure the heart of a native doubly driven by hate of a former master from whom he is free, and fear of a master by whom he is employed at the present time.

The very next day Juan went to the Conjure man’s house, and in his master’s name demanded that one of the apes be brought, dead or alive, to the tax collector’s office.

The only answer he brought back, except a slashed face on which the blood was even then not dry, was:

“Does a father slay his children at a stranger’s bidding?”

The next day I was in the forest all day long. When I came home in the edge of the evening, and passed the tax collector’s house, I said words which I should not wish to write down here, although I almost believe that the tears which were running down my cheeks at the time washed the record of my language [62]off the recording angel’s book, just as they would have blotted out the words upon this sheet of paper.

Europa, noble great animal, lay dead on the ground in front of the house, the slim, strong paw, like a right hand, which she had reached out to welcome me, drabbled with dirt where it had dragged behind the “carabaos” cart in which she had been brought, and which had been hardly large enough to hold her huge body.

I knew it was Europa. I would have known her anywhere, even if Filipe, white with fear and rage, had not told me the story when I reached home.

Juan had guided the tax collector to the mountain home in an evil moment when its owner and Atlas, by some chance were away. The Spaniard had shot Europa, standing in the door, as I had seen her standing, and the two men had brought the body down the mountain.

I think Filipe, and perhaps the other natives, expected nothing less than that the village, [63]if not the whole island, would be destroyed by fire from the sky, that night, or swallowed up in the earth, but the night passed with perfect quiet. Not a sound was heard, nor a thing done to disturb our sleep, or if, as I imagine was the case with some of us who did not sleep, our peace.

Only, in the morning, when no one was seen stirring about the tax collector’s house, and then it grew noon and the lattices were not opened or the ladder let down, the Tagalog soldiers brought another ladder and put it against the house, and I climbed up and went in, to find the two men who stayed there, the Spaniard and Juan, dead on the floor. Their swollen faces, black and awful to look at, I have seen in bad dreams since. On the throat of each were the blue marks of long, strong fingers.

And the body of Europa was gone.[67]

[Contents]

Mrs. Hannah Smith, Nurse

The red eye of the lighthouse on Corregidor Island blazed out through the darkness as a Pacific steamer felt her way cautiously into Manila harbour.

Although it was nearly midnight, a woman—one of the passengers on the steamer—was still on deck, and standing well up toward the bow of the boat was peering into the darkness before her as if she could not wait to see the strange new land to which she was coming. Surely it would be a strange land to her, who, until a few weeks before had scarcely in all her life been outside of the New England town in which she had been born.

People who had seen her on the steamer had wondered sometimes that a woman of her age—for she was not young—should have chosen to go to the Philippine Islands as a nurse, as she told them she was going. Sometimes, at first, they smiled at some of her questions, but any who happened to be [68]ill on the voyage, or in trouble, forgot to do that, for in the touch of her hand and in her words there was shown a skill and a nobleness of nature which won respect.

---

 

The colonel of a regiment stationed near Manila was sitting in his headquarters. An orderly came to the door and saluted.

“A woman to see you, sir,” he said.

“A woman? What kind of a woman?”

“A white woman, sir. Looks about fifty years old. Talks American. Says she has only just come here. Says her name is Smith.”

“Show her in.”

The man went out. In a few minutes he came back again, and with him the woman that had stayed out on the deck of the Pacific steamer when the boat came past the light of Corregidor.

The Colonel gave his visitor a seat. “What can I do for you?” he said.

“Can I speak to you alone?”

“We are alone now.”[69]

“Can’t that man out there hear?” motioning toward a soldier pacing back and forth before the door.

“No,” said the officer. “We are quite alone.”

The woman unfolded a sheet of paper which she had been holding, and looked at it a moment. Then she looked at the officer. “I want to see Heber Smith, of Company F, of your regiment,” she said. “Can you tell me where he is?”

In spite of himself—in spite of the self possession which he would have said his campaigning experience had given him, the Colonel started.

“Are you his—?” he began to say. But he changed the question to, “Was he a relative of yours?”

“I am his mother,” the woman said, as if she had completed the officer’s first question in her mind and answered it.

“I have a letter from him, here,” she went on. “The last one I have had. It is dated three months ago. It is not very long.” She [70]held up a half sheet of paper, written over on one side with a lead pencil; but she did not offer to let the officer read what was written.

“He tells me in this letter,” the woman said, “that he has disgraced himself, been a coward, run away from some danger which he ought to have faced; and that he can’t stand the shame of it.” “He says,” the woman’s voice faltered for the first time, and instead of looking the Colonel in the face, as she had been doing, her eyes were fixed on the floor—“he says that he isn’t going to try to stay here any longer, and that he is going over to the enemy. Is this true? Did he do that?”

“Yes,” said the officer slowly. “It is true.”

“He says here,” the woman went on, holding up the letter again, “that I shall never hear from him again, or see him. I want you to help me to find him.”

“I would be glad to help you if I could,” the man said, “but I cannot. No one knows where the man went to, except that he disappeared from the camp and from the city. [71]Besides I have not the right. He was a coward, and now he is a deserter. If he came back now he would have to stand trial, and he might be shot.”

“He is not a coward.” The woman’s cheeks flamed red. “Some men shut their eyes and cringe when there comes a flash of lightning. But that don’t make them cowards. He might have been frightened at the time, and not known what he was doing, but he is not a coward. I guess I know that as well as anybody can tell me. He is my boy—my only child. I’ve come out here to find him, and I’m going to do it. I don’t expect I’ll find him quick or easy, perhaps. I’ve let out our farm for a year, with the privilege of renewing the trade when the year is up; and I’m going to stay as long as need be. I’m not going to sit still and hold my hands while I’m waiting, either. I’m going to be a nurse. I know how to take care of the sick and maimed all right, and I guess from what I hear since I’ve been here you need all the help of that kind you can get. All I want of [72]you is to get me a chance to work nursing just as close to the front as I can go, and then do all you can to help me find out where Heber is, and then let me have as many as you can of these heathen prisoners the men bring in here to take care of, so I can ask them if they have seen Heber. My boy isn’t a coward, and if he has got scared and run away, he’s got to come back and face the music. Thank goodness none of the folks at home know anything about it, and they won’t if I can help it.”

The woman folded the letter, and putting it back into its envelope sat waiting. It was evident that she did not conceive of the possibility even of her request not being granted.

The officer hesitated.

“You will have to see the General, Mrs. Smith,” he said at last, glad that it need not be his duty to tell her how hopeless her errand was. “I will arrange for you to see him. I will take you to him myself. I wish I could do more to help you.”

“How soon can I see him?”[73]

“Tomorrow, I think. I will find out and let you know.”

“Thank you,” said the woman, as she rose to go. “I don’t want to lose any time. I want to get right to work.”

The next day the young soldier’s mother saw the General and told her story to him. In the mean time, apprised by the Colonel of the regiment of the woman’s errand, the General had had a report of the case brought to him. Heber Smith had been sent out with a small scouting party. They had been ambushed, and instead of trying to fight, he had left the men and had run back to cover.

“But that don’t necessarily make him a coward,” the young man’s mother pleaded with the General. “A coward is a man who plans to run away. He lost his head that time. Wasn’t that the first time he had been put in such a place?”

The officer admitted that it was.

“Well, then he can live it down. He has got to, for the sake of his father’s reputation as well as his own. His father was a soldier, [74]too,” she said proudly. “He was in the Union army four years, and had a medal given to him for bravery, and every spring since he died the members of his Grand Army Post have decorated his grave. When Heber comes to think of that, I know he will come back.”

The General was not an old man;—that is he was not so old but that, back in her prairie home in a western state, there was a mother to whom he wrote letters, a mother whom he knew to value above his life itself his reputation. The thought of her came to him now.

“I will do what I can, Mrs. Smith” he said, “to help you find your boy. I fear I cannot give you any hope, though, and if he should be found I cannot promise you anything as to his future.”

“Thank you,” said the woman. “That is all I can ask.”

And so it came about that Mrs. Hannah Smith was enrolled as a nurse, and assigned to duty as near the front in the island of Luzon as any nurse could go.[75]

Six months passed, and then another six came near to their end. Mrs. Smith renewed the lease of the farm back among the New England hills for another year, and wrote to a neighbor’s wife to see that her woolen clothes and furs were aired and then packed away with a fresh supply of camphor to keep the moths out of them.

In this year’s time Mrs. Smith had picked up a wonderful smattering of the Spanish and Tagalog languages for a woman who had lived the life she had before she came to the East. The reason for this, so her companions said, was her being “just possessed to talk with those native prisoners who are brought wounded to the hospital.” The other nurses liked her. She not only was willing to take the cases they liked least—the natives—but asked for them.

And sometime in the course of their hospital experience, all Mrs. Smith’s native patients—if they did not die before they got able to talk coherently—had to go through the same catechism:[76]

Was there a white man among the people from whom they had come; a white man who had come there from the American army?

Was he a tall young man with light hair and a smooth face?

Did he have a three-cornered white scar on one side of his chin, where a steer had hooked him when he was a boy?

Did he look like this picture? (A photograph was shown the patient)

From no one, though, did she get the answer that her heart craved. Some of the prisoners knew white men that had come among the Tagalog natives, but no one knew a man who answered to this description.

One day a native prisoner who had been brought in more than a week before, terribly wounded, opened his eyes to consciousness for the first time, after days and nights of stupor. He was one of these who naturally fell, now, to “Mrs. Smith’s lot,” as the surgeons called them. As soon as the nurse’s watchful eyes saw the change in the man she came to him and bent over his cot.[77]

“Water, please,” he murmured

The woman brought the water, her two natures struggling to decide what she should do after she had given it to him. As nurse, she knew the man ought not to be allowed to talk then. As mother, she was impatient to ask him where he had learned to speak English, and to inquire if he knew her boy.

The nurse conquered. The patient drank the water and was allowed to go to sleep again undisturbed.

In time, though, he was stronger, and then, one day, the mother’s questions were asked for the hundredth time; and the last.

Yes, the prisoner patient knew just such a man. He had come among the people of the tribe many months ago. He was a tall, fair young man, and he had such a scar as the “señora,” described. He was a fine young man. Once, when this man’s father had been sick, the white man had doctored him and made him well. It was this white man, the patient said, who had taught him the little English that he knew.[78]

“Yes,” when he saw the photograph of Heber Smith, “that is the man. He has a picture, too,” the patient said, “two pictures, little ones, set in a little gold box which hangs on his watch chain.”

The hospital nurse unclasped a big cameo breast pin from the throat of her gown and held it down so that the man in bed could see adaguerreotype set in the back of the pin.

“Was one of the pictures like that?” she asked.

The Tagalog looked at the picture, a likeness of a middle-aged man wearing the coat and hat of the Grand Army of the Republic. In the picture a medal pinned on to the breast of the man’s coat showed.

“Yes,” said he, “one of the pictures is like that.”

Then he looked up curiously at the woman sitting beside his bed. “The other picture is that of a woman,” he went on, “and—yes—” still studying her face, “I think it must be you. Only,” he added, “it doesn’t look very much like you.”[79]

“No,” said the woman, with a grim smile, “it doesn’t. It was taken a good many years ago, when I was younger than I am now, and when I hadn’t been baked for a year in this heathen climate. It’s me, though.”

In time, Juan, that was the man’s name, was so far recovered of his wound that he was to be discharged from the hospital and placed with the other able-bodied prisoners. The hospital at that time occupied an old convent. The day before Juan was to be discharged, Mrs. Smith managed her cases so that for a time no one else was left in one of the rooms with her but this man.

“Juan,” she said, when she was sure they were alone, and that no one was anywhere within hearing, “do you feel that I have done anything to help you to get well?”

The man reached down, and taking one of the nurse’s hands in his own bent over and kissed it.

“Señora,” he said, “I owe my life to you.”

“Will you do something for me, then? [80]Something which I want done more than anything else in the world?”

“My life is the señora’s. I would that I had ten lives to give her.”

The woman pulled a letter from out the folds of her nurse’s dress. The envelope was not sealed, and before she fastened it she took the letter which was in it out and read it over for one last time. Then, pulling from her waist a little red, white and blue badge pin—one of those patriotic emblems which so many people wear at times—she dropped this into the letter, sealed the envelope, and handed it to the Tagalog. The envelope bore no address.

“I hav’n’t put the name of the place on it you said you came from,” she told the man, “because goodness only knows how it is spelled; I don’t. Besides that, it isn’t necessary. You know the place, and you know the man; the man who has got my picture and his father’s in a gold locket on his watch chain. I want you to give this letter into his own hands. I expect it will be rather a ticklish [81]job for you to get away from here and get through the lines, but I guess you can do it if you try. Other men have. Don’t start until you are well enough so you will have strength to make the whole trip.”

A week or so after that, one of the surgeons making his daily visit reported that Juan had made his escape the previous night, and up to that time had not been brought back.

“What a shame!” said one of the other nurses. “After all the care you gave that man, Mrs. Smith. It does seem as if he might have had a little more gratitude.”

Mrs. Smith said nothing aloud. But to herself, when she was alone, she said: “Well, I suppose some folks would say that I wasn’t acting right, but I guess I’ve saved the lives of enough of those men since I’ve been here so that I’m entitled to one of them if I want him.”

Then she went on with her work, and waited; and the waiting was harder than the work.

---

[82]

An American expedition was slowly toiling across the island of Luzon to locate and occupy a post in the north. Four companies of men marched in advance, with a guard in the rear. Between them were the mule teams with the camp luggage and the ever present hospital corps. No trace of the enemy had been seen in that part of the island for weeks. Scouts who had gone on in advance had reported the way to be clear, and the force was being hurried up to get through a ravine which it was approaching, so it could go into camp for the night on high, level ground just beyond the valley.

Suddenly a man’s voice rang out upon the hot air; an English, speaking voice, strong and clear, and coming, so it seemed at first to the troops when they heard it, from the air above them:

“Halt! Halt!” the voice cried.

“Go back! There is an ambush on both sides! Save yourselves! Be—”

The warning was unfinished. Those of the Americans who had located the sound of the [83]words and had looked in the direction from which they came, had seen a white man standing on the rocky side of the ravine above them and in front of them. They had seen him throw up his arms and fall backward out of sight, leaving his last sentence unfinished. Then there had come the report of a gun, and then an attack, with scores of shouting Tagalogs swarming down the sides of the ravine.

The skirmish was over, though, almost as soon as it had begun, and with little harm to any of the Americans except to such of the scouts as had been cut off in advance. The warning had come in time—had come before the advancing column had marched between the forces hidden on both sides of the ravine. The Tagalogs could not face the fire with which the Americans met them. They fled up the ravine, and up both sides of the gorge, into the shelter of the forest, and were gone. The Americans, satisfied at length that the way was clear, moved forward and went into camp on the ground which had previously been chosen, throwing out advance lines of [84]pickets, and taking extra precautions to be prepared against a night attack.

Early in the evening shots were heard on the outer picket line, and a little later two men came to the commanding officers tent bringing with them a native.

“He was trying to come through our lines and get into the camp, sir,” they reported. “Two men fired at him, but missed him.”

“Think he’s a spy?” the commander asked of another officer who was with him.

“No, Señor, I am not a spy,” the prisoner said, surprising all the men by speaking in English. “I have left my people, I want to be sent to Manila, to the American camp there.”

“He’s a deserter,” said one of the officers. Then to the men who held the prisoner, “Better search him.”

From out the prisoner’s blouse one of the soldiers brought a paper, a sheet torn from a note book, folded, and fastened only by a red, white and blue badge pin stuck through the paper.[85]

The officer to whom the soldier had handed the paper pulled out the pin which had kept it folded, and started to open it, when he saw there was something written on the side through which the pin had been thrust. Bending down to where the camp light fell upon the writing, he saw that it was an address, scrawled in lead pencil:

“Mrs. Hannah Smith; Nurse.”

“Do you know the woman to whom this letter is sent? he asked in amazement of the Tagalog from whom it had been taken.

“Yes Señor.”

“Do you know where she is now?”

“Yes, Señor. She is in a hospital not far from Manila. She is a good woman. My life is hers. I was there once for many, many days, shot through here,” he placed his hand on his side, “and she made me well again.”

“Do you know who sent this letter to her?”

“Yes, Señor.”

“Who was it?”

The man hesitated.[86]

“Who was it? Answer. It is for her good I want to know.”

“It was her son, Señor.”

“Was he the man who gave us warning of the ambush today?”

“Yes, Señor.”

The officer folded the paper, unread, and thrust the pin back through the folds. The enamel on the badge glistened in the camp light.

“Keep the Tagalog here,” he said to the men, “until I come back;” and walked across the camp to where the hospital tents had been set up.

“Where is Mrs. Smith?” he asked of the surgeon in charge.

“Taking care of the men who were wounded this afternoon.”

“Will you tell her that I want to see her alone in your tent, here, and then see that no one else comes in?”

“Mrs. Smith,” he said, when the nurse came in, “I have something here for you—a letter. It has just been brought into camp, by a native [87]who did not know that you were here and who wanted to be sent to Manila to find you. It is not very strongly sealed, but no one has read it since it was brought into camp.”

He gave the bit of paper to the nurse, and then turned away to stand in the door of the tent, that he might not look at her while she read it. Enough of the nurse’s story was known in the army now so that the officer could guess something of what this message might mean to her.

A sound in the tent behind the officer made him turn. The woman had sunk down on the ground beneath the surgeon’s light, and resting her arms upon a camp stool had hid her face.

A moment later she raised her head, her face wet with tears and wearing an expression of mingled grief and joy, and held out the letter to the officer.

“Read it!” she said. “Thank God!” and then, “My boy! My boy!” and hid her face again.[88]

“Dear mother,” the scrawled note read.

“I got your letter. I’m glad you wrote it. It made things plain I hadn’t seen before. My chance has come—quicker than I had expected. I wish I might have seen you again, but I shan’t. A column of our men are coming up the valley just below here, marching straight into an ambush. I have tried to get word to them, but I can’t, because the Tagalogs watch me so close. They never have trusted me. The only way for me is to rush out when the men get near enough, and shout to them, and that will be the end of it all for me. I don’t care, only that I wish I could see you again. Juan will take this letter to you. When you get it, and the men come back, if I save them, I think perhaps they will clear my name. Then you can go home.

“The men are almost here. Mother, dear, good by.—Your Boy.”

“I wish I might have seen him,” the woman said, a little later. “But I won’t complain. What I most prayed God for has been granted me.”[89]

“They’ll let the charge against him drop, now, won’t they? Don’t you think he has earned it?”

“I think he surely has. No braver deed has been done in all this war.”

“Don’t try to come, now, Mrs Smith,” as the nurse rose to her feet. “Stay here, and I will send one of the women to you.”

When he had done this the officer went back to where the men were still holding Juan between them.

“Your journey is shorter than you thought,” the officer said to the Tagalog. “Mrs. Smith is in this camp, and I have given the letter to her.”

“May I see her?” exclaimed the man.

“Not now. In the morning you may. Have you seen this man, her son, since he was shot?”

“No, Señor. He gave me the note and told me to slip into the forest as soon as the fight began, so as to get away without any one seeing me. Then I was to stay out of the way until I could get into this camp.”[90]

“Do you know where he stood when he was shot?”

“Yes, Señor.”

“Can you take a party of men there tonight?”

“Yes, Señor; most gladly.”

---

 

Afterward, when it came to be known that Heber Smith would live, in spite of his wounds and the hours that he had lain there in the bushes unconscious and uncared for, there was the greatest diversity of opinion as to what had really saved his life.

The surgeons said it was partly their skill, and partly the superb constitution that years of work on a New England farm had given to the young man. His mother believed that he had been spared for her sake. Heber Smith himself always said it was his mother’s care that saved his life, while Juan never had the least doubt that the young soldier had been protected solely by a marvellous “anting-anting” which he himself had slipped unsuspected into the American soldier’s blouse that [91]day, before he had left him. As soon as she knew that her son would live, Mrs. Smith started for Washington, carrying with her papers which made it possible for her to be allowed to plead her case there as she had pleaded it in Manila. A pardon was sent back, as fast as wire and steamer and wire again could convey it. Heber Smith wears the uniform of a second lieutenant, now, won for bravery in action since he went back into the service; and every one who knew her in the Philippines, cherishes the memory of Mrs. Hannah Smith; Nurse.[95]

[Contents]

The Fifteenth Wife

Mateo, my Filipino servant, was helping me sort over specimens one day under the thatched roof of a shed which I had hired to use for such work while I was on the island of Culion, when I was startled to see him suddenly drop the bird skin he had been working on, and fall upon his knees, bending his body forward, his face turned toward the road, until his forehead touched the floor.

At first I thought he must be having some new kind of a fit, peculiar to the Philippine Islands, until I happened to glance up the road toward the town, from which my house was a little distance removed, and saw coming toward us a most remarkable procession.

Four native soldiers walked in front, two carrying long spears, and two carrying antiquated seven-foot muskets, relics of a former era in fire arms. After the soldiers came four Visayan slaves, bearing on their shoulders a sort of platform covered with rugs and cushions, on which a woman reclined. On [96]one side of the litter walked another slave, holding a huge umbrella so as to keep the sun’s rays off the woman’s face. Two more soldiers walked behind.

Mateo might have been a statue, or a dead man, for all the attention he paid to my questions until after the procession had passed the house. Then, resuming a perpendicular position once more, he said, “That was the Sultana Ahmeya, the Sultana.”

Then he went on to explain that there were thirteen other sultanas, of assorted colors, who helped make home happy for the Sultan of Culion, who after all, well supplied as he might at first seem to be, was only a sort of fourth-class sovereign, so far as sultanas are concerned, since his fellow monarch on a neighboring larger island, the Sultan of Sulu, is said to have four hundred wives.

Ahmeya, though, Mateo went on to inform me, was the only one of the fourteen who really counted. She was neither the oldest nor the youngest of the wives of the reigning ruler, but she had developed a mind of her [97]own which had made her supreme in the palace, and besides, she was the only one of his wives who had borne a son to the monarch. For her own talents, and as the mother of the heir, the people did her willing homage.

When I saw the royal cavalcade go past my door I had no idea I would ever have a chance to become more intimately acquainted with Her Majesty, but only a little while after that circumstances made it possible for me to see more of the royal family than had probably been the privilege of any other white man. How little thought I had, when the acquaintance began, of the strange experiences it would eventually lead to!

At that time, in the course of collecting natural history specimens, most of my time for three years was spent in the island of Culion. Having a large stock of drugs, for use in my work, and quite a lot of medicines, I had doctored Mateo and two or three other fellows who had worked for me, when they had been ill, with the result that I found I [98]had come to have a reputation for medical skill which sometimes was inconvenient. I had no idea how widely my fame had spread, though, until one morning Mateo came into my room and woke me, and with a face which expressed a good deal of anxiety, informed me that I was sent for to come to the palace.

I confess I felt some concern myself, and should have felt more if I had had as much experience then as I had later, for one never knows what those three-quarters savage potentates may take it into their heads to do.

When I found that I was sent for because the Sultan was ill,—ill unto death, the messenger had made Mateo believe,—and I was expected to doctor him, I did not feel much more comfortable, for I much doubted if my knowledge of diseases, and my assortment of medicines, were equal to coping with a serious case. If the Sultan died I would probably be beheaded, either for not keeping him alive, or for killing him.

It was a great relief, then, when I reached the palace, and just before I entered the room [99]where the sick monarch was, to hear him swearing vigorously, in a combination of the native and Spanish languages which was as picturesque as it was expressive.

I found the man suffering from an acute attack of neuralgia, although he did not know what was the matter with him. He had not been able to sleep for three days and nights, and the pain, all the way up and down one side of his face had been so intense that he thought he was going to die, and almost hoped that he was. His head was tied up in a lot of cloths, not over clean, in which a dozen native doctor’s charms had been folded, until the bundle was as big as four heads ought to be.

As soon as I found out what was the matter I felt relieved, for I reckoned I could manage an attack of swelled head all right. I had doctored the natives enough, already, to find out that they had no respect for remedies which they could not feel, and so, going back to the house, I brought from there some extra [100]strong liniment, some tincture of red pepper and a few powerful morphine pills.

I gave my patient one of the pills the first thing, administering it in a glass of water with enough of the cayenne added to it so that the mixture brought tears to his eyes, and then removing the layers of cloth from his head, and gathering in as I did so, for my collection of curiosities, the various charms which I uncovered, I gave his head a vigorous shampooing with the liniment, taking pains to see that the liquor occasionally ran down into the Sultan’s eyes. He squirmed a good deal, but I kept on until I thought it must be about time for the morphine to begin to take effect. I kept him on morphine and red pepper for three days, but when I let up on him he was cured, and my reputation was made.

It would have been too great a nuisance to have been endured, had it not been that so high a degree of royal favor enabled me to pursue my work with a degree of success which otherwise I could never have hoped for.[101]

After that I used to see a good deal of the palace life. Although nominally Mohammedans in religion, the inhabitants of these more distant islands have little more than the name of the faith, and follow out few of its injunctions. As a result I was accorded a freedom about the palace which would have been impossible in such an establishment in almost any other country.

One day the Sultan had invited me to dine with him. After the meal, while we were smoking, reclining in some cocoanut fibre hammocks swung in the shade of the palace court yard, I saw a man servant lead a dog through the square, and down a narrow passage way through the rear of the palace.

“Would you like to see the ‘Green Devil’ eat?” my host asked.

I have translated the native words he used by the term “green devil,” because that represents the idea of the original better than any other words I know of, I had not the slightest conception as to who or what the individual referred to might be; but I said at once [102]that I would be very glad indeed to see him eat.

My host swung out of the hammock,—he was a superbly strong and vigorous man, now that he was in health again,—and led the way through the passage. Following him I found myself in another court yard, larger than the first, and with more trees in it. Beneath one of these trees, in a stout cage of bamboo, was the biggest python I ever saw. He must have been fully twenty-five feet long. The cage was large enough to give the snake a chance to move about in it, and when we came in sight he was rolling from one end to the other with head erect, eyes glistening, and the light shimmering on his glossy scales in a way which made it easy to see why he had been given his name. I learned later that he had not been fed for a month, and that he would not be fed again until another month had passed. Like all of his kind he would touch none but live food.

The wretched dog, who seemed to guess the fate in store for him, hung back in the [103]rope tied about his neck, and crouched flat to the ground, too frightened even to whine.

The servant unlocked a door in the side of the cage and thrust the poor beast in. I am not ashamed to say that I turned my head away. It was only a dog, but it might have been a human being, so far as the reptile, or the half-savage man at my side, would have cared.

When I looked again, the dog was only a crushed mass of bones and flesh, about which the snake was still winding and tightening coil after coil.

“We need not wait,” the Sultan said. “It will be an hour before he will swallow the food. You can come out again.”

I did as he suggested. It was a wonder to me, as it is to every one, how a snake’s throat can be distended enough to swallow whole an object so large as this dog, but in some way the reptile had accomplished the feat. The meal over, the huge creature had coiled down as still almost as if dead. He would lie in that way, now, they told me, for days.[104]

It was while I stood watching the snake that Ahmeya came through the square, leading her boy by the hand. The apartments of the royal wives were built around this inner yard. This was the first time I had seen the heir to the throne. He was a handsome boy, and looked like his mother. Ahmeya was tall, for a native woman, and carried herself with a dignity which showed that she felt the honor of her position. Mateo had told me that she had a decided will of her own, and, so the palace gossips said, ruled the establishment, and her associate sultanas, with an unbending hand.

It was not very long after I had seen the green devil eat that Mateo told me there had been another wedding at the palace. Mateo was an indefatigable news-gatherer, and an incorrigible gossip. As the society papers would have expressed it, this wedding had been “a very quiet affair.” The Sultan had happened to see a Visayan girl of uncommon beauty, on one of the smaller islands, one day, had bought her of her father for two water [105]buffalos, and had installed her at the palace as wife number fifteen.

For the time being the new-comer was said to be the royal favorite, a condition of affairs which caused the other fourteen wives as little concern as their objections, if they had expressed any, would probably have caused their royal husband. So far as Ahmeya was concerned, she never minded a little thing like that, but included the last arrival in the same indifferent toleration which she had extended to her predecessors.

I saw the new wife only once.—I mean,—yes I mean that.—I saw her as the king’s wife only once. She was a handsome woman, with a certain insolent disdain of those about her which indicated that she knew her own charms, and perhaps counted too much on their being permanent.

That summer my work took me away from the island. I went to Manila, and eventually to America. When I finally returned to Culion a year had passed.

I had engaged Mateo, before I left, to look [106]out for such property as I left behind, and had retained my old house. I found him waiting for me, and with everything in good order. That is one good thing to be said about the natives. An imagined wrong or insult may rankle in their minds for months, until they have a chance to stab you in the back. They will lie to you at times with the most unblushing nerve, often when the truth would have served their ends so much better that it seems as if they must have been doing mendacious gymnastics simply to keep themselves in practice; but they will hardly ever steal. If they do, it will be sometime when you are looking squarely at them, carrying a thing off from under your very nose with a cleverness which they seem to think, and you can hardly help feel yourself, makes them deserve praise instead of blame. I have repeatedly left much valuable property with them, as I did in this case with Mateo, and have come back to find every article just as I had left it.

Mateo was glad to see me. “Oh Señor,” he [107]began, before my clothes were fairly changed, and while he was settling my things in my bed room, “there is so much to tell you.”

I knew he would be bursting with news of what had happened during my absence. “Such goings on,” he continued, folding my travelling clothes into a tin trunk, where the white ants could not get at them. “You never heard the likes of it.”

I am translating very freely, for I have noticed that the thoughts expressed by the Philippine gossip are very similar to those of his fellow in America, or Europe, or anywhere else, no matter how much the words may differ.

“The new Sultana, the handsome Visayan girl, has given birth to a son, and has so bewitched the Sultan by her good looks and craftiness that he has decreed her son, and not Ahmeya’s, to be the heir to the throne. She rules the palace now, and when her servants bear her through the streets the people bow down to her.” He added, with a look behind him to see that no one overheard, “Because [108]they dare not do otherwise. In their hearts they love Ahmeya, and hate this vain woman.”

“How does Ahmeya take it?” I asked.

“Hardly, people think, although she makes no cry. She goes not through the streets of the town, now, but stays shut in her own rooms, with her women and the boy.”

A furious beating against the bamboo walls of my sleeping room, and wild cries from some one on the ground outside, awoke me one morning when I had been back in Culion less than a week. The house in which I slept, like most of the native houses in the Philippines, was built on posts, several feet above the ground, for the sake of coolness and as a protection against snakes and such vermin.

It was very early, not yet sunrise. A servant of the Sultan’s, gray with fright, was pounding on the walls of the house with a long spear to wake me, begging me, when I opened the lattice, to come to the palace at once.[109]

I thought the monarch must have had some terrible attack, and wondered what it could be, but while we were hurrying up the street the messenger managed to make me understand that the Sultan was not at the palace at all, but gone the day before on board the royal proa for a state visit to a neighboring island from which he exacted yearly tribute. Later I learned that he had tried to have the Visayan woman go with him, but that she had wilfully refused to go. What was the matter at the palace the ruler being gone, I could not make out. When I asked this of the man who had come for me, he fell into such a palsy of fear that he could say nothing. When I came to know, later, that he was the night guard at the palace, and remembered what he must have seen, I did not wonder.

At the palace no one was astir. The man had come straight for me, stopping to rouse no one else. I had saved the Sultan’s life. At least he thought so. Might I not do even more?

My guide took me straight through the first [110]court yard, and down the narrow passage into the inner yard, around which were built the apartments of the woman. Ahmeya, I knew, lived in the rooms at one end of the square. The man led me towards the opposite end of the enclosure. Beside an open door he stood aside for me to enter, saying, as he did so, “Señor, help us.”

The sun had risen, now, and shining full upon a lattice in the upper wall, flooded the room with a soft clear light.

The body of the Visayan woman, or rather what had been a body, lay on the floor in the center of the room, a shapeless mass of crushed bones and flesh. An enormous python lay coiled in one corner. His mottled skin glistened in the morning light, but he did not move, and his eyes were tight shut, as were those of the “green devil” after I had seen him feed.

I looked backward, across the court yard. The door of the big bamboo cage beneath the trees was open. I turned to the room again and looked once more. I knew now why the [111]night guard’s face was ash-colored, and why he could not speak.

For the child of the Visayan woman I could not see.[115]

[Contents]

“Our Lady of Pilar”

“How very singular! What do you suppose they are doing?”

“I’m sure I don’t know. The American mind is unequal to grappling with the problem of what the natives are doing out here, most of the time. They seem to be praying. Or are they having a thanksgiving?”

“I don’t know. All women, too!”

The young American woman and the officer who was her escort halted their horses to watch better the group of people of whom they had been speaking. The officer was a lieutenant of the American forces stationed in Zamboanga, the oldest and most important city in Mindanao, the headquarters of the United States military district in the Philippines known as the Department of Mindanao and Jolo. The young woman was the daughter of one of the older officers of the department, just come to Zamboanga the day before, and in this morning’s ride having her first chance to see the strange old city to [116]which her father had been transferred from Manila a few weeks before.

In the course of this ride the young people had reached Fort Pilar, at one end of the town, a weather-beaten old fortification built years and years before by the Spaniards as a protection against their implacable foes, the Moros, who waged continual warfare against them from the southern islands of the archipelago. Circling the stone walls of the fort the riders had come upon a group of as many as fifty Visayan women kneeling on the ground, their faces turned devoutly toward a stone tablet let into the walls.

An American soldier was doing sentry duty not far away. “Wait here, Miss Allenthorne,” Lieutenant Chickering said, “and I’ll find out from that man over there what they are doing. He’s been here long enough so that probably he knows by this time.” The officer cantered his pony over to the sentry’s station. The American girl, left to herself, slipped down from her pony, and hooking the bridle rein into her elbow, walked a[117]little nearer to the women. They did not seem to mind her in the least, and one of them—a handsome young woman near her—when she looked up and saw that the stranger was an American, smiled, and said something in a language which Miss Allenthorne did not understand; but from the expression on her face the American felt sure that what the woman said was meant as a welcome.

Something which this Visayan woman did a moment later excited Miss Allenthorne’s curiosity to a still higher pitch. The native woman drew a small photograph from the folds of her “camisa,” and kissed it. Then she put it down on the ground between herself and the wall, and turned to the tablet above it a face lighted with a radiance which any woman seeing would have known could have come from love alone. When she had finished, and had risen to her feet, she saw that the young American “señorita” was still watching her.

The two woman had been born with the earth between them, and with centuries [118]of difference in traditions and training. Neither could understand the words which the other spoke, but when their eyes met there went from the heart of each to the heart of the other a message which did not require words to make itself understood.

With a beautiful grace of manner and expression, the Visayan went to the other woman, and again speaking as if she thought her words could be understood, held out the picture which she had kissed, for the stranger to look at.

The photograph was that of a young American officer, in a lieutenant’s uniform.

---

 

Grace Allenthorne and her mother had lived in Manila for several months. As the daughter of one of the oldest and most highly respected officers in the service, and as a beautiful and attractive young woman, she had naturally been popular in the life of the military element of Manila’s society. If she had herself been asked to describe the situation in Manila, Grace would have said that [119]she liked no one officer better than another. They had all been “so nice” to her. With the exception of two of their number, however, the officers with whom she had ridden and talked and danced, would have said, if they had expressed their opinion of the matter, that they were all out of it except Lieutenant Chickering and Lieutenant Day; and some of them, among themselves, possibly may have made quiet bets as to which one of these two men would win in the end.

Then there came one of those official wavings of red tape in the air, which army officers’ families learn to dread as signals of approaching trouble, and Colonel Allenthorne was transferred from Luzon to Mindanao; and among the troops sent with him were the companies of the rival lieutenants.

When the General sent back word that Zamboanga was a quiet city, with a fair climate and comfortable quarters, his wife and daughter followed him. If either of the young officers flattered himself that Grace was coming on his account, and that he was [120]going to be made aware of her preference for himself on her arrival in Mindanao, he was disappointed.

Lieutenant Chickering was on duty when Miss Allenthorne arrived, and she devoted two hours that evening to hearing Lieutenant Day describe the city as he had found it. The next morning Lieutenant Day was on duty, and she went to ride with Lieutenant Chickering, possibly to learn if the information she had been favoured with the night before had been correct.

---

 

Lieutenant Chickering cantered back from the sentry’s post. Finding his companion dismounted, he jumped down from his own pony and came to join her. The native woman had gone her way toward the city before he returned, smiling a good-bye to Miss Allenthorne when she found that her words were not understood, and hiding the photograph in her bosom as she turned to go.

“I’ve found out all about it, Miss Allenthorne,” the Lieutenant exclaimed.[121]

“There is a story which it seems the natives believe, that years ago there was once, where we now stand, a river which ran down past the fort and emptied into the sea. To give access to this river there was then a gate in the wall of the fort, directly opposite where we are now. Over the gate was a marble statue of a saint, who was called ‘Our Lady of Pilar.’

“One night a soldier who was on sentry duty at the gate saw a white figure pass out before him. He challenged it, and when he got no answer challenged again and again. When the third summons brought no response, he aimed his gun at the figure and fired.

“In the morning this sentry was found at his post, stone dead, and the statue of the saint was gone. What was still more strange, the river which had always flowed past the gate had dried up in the night, and has never been seen since. After a time they built up the gate into a solid part of the wall, as you see it now; because as there was then [122]no river here, there was no need of the gate. This had hardly been done when the tablet which we see there now made its appearance miraculously. All these strange manifestations attracted so much attention to the place that this shrine was set up here, and now for years it has been a favourite place for devout worshippers—especially women—to come to pray and to give thanks for blessings which they have received.

“It’s interesting, isn’t it?”

“Very,” assented Miss Allenthorne, when the officer had finished; and then she added, almost immediately, “Don’t you think it’s getting very warm? Wouldn’t we better ride back now?”

“Just as you say,” the officer answered. Then he helped her to mount, mounted his own horse, and they rode home.

That evening Miss Allenthorne was invisible. When Lieutenant Day called, her mother explained that the young woman had a headache, possibly from riding too far in the sun that morning.[123]

Alone in her room the young woman heard the officer’s inquiry and her mother’s excuses, for the bamboo walls of a Philippine house let conversation be heard from one end of the house to the other. Crushing in both hands the handkerchief which she had been dipping into iced water to bind about her forehead, she flung it impatiently from her, thinking bitterly to herself as she did so how foolish it was to bind up one’s head when it was really one’s heart that was aching.

For alone in her darkened room that afternoon, the young woman had acknowledged to herself—what perhaps up to that time had been almost as much of a problem to her as to other people—which one of the young officers she really cared for. She knew now that the love of Lieutenant Day meant everything to her, and the love of the other man nothing.

And it was Lieutenant Day’s picture which she had seen the Visayan woman kiss.

One day General Allenthorne sat on the verandah of his house with an American [124]acquaintance, the agent of a business firm, who had been sent to the Philippine Islands to see what opportunities there might be for trade there.

Some women walked along the street below the house, carrying heavy water jars poised on their heads.

“Queer country, isn’t it?” said the visitor.

“Yes,” said the General. “A body never knows what may happen to him. Probably those women we see down there are slaves. Seeing them made me think of a funny thing I heard of today, which happened to one of my men a little while ago.

“A young officer hired a native man for a servant. One day the fellow came to the Lieutenant in a great state of mind, begging the officer to help him. It seemed he had a sweetheart who was a Visayan slave girl owned by a Moro. The man who owned the girl was going to leave the city and take all his property, including this slave girl, with him. Pedro—that was the officer’s boy—wanted ‘the great American Señor’ to say she [125]should not go. Some of the natives seem to have the most wonderful confidence in the power of the Americans to do anything and everything.

“The officer told his boy he had no power to prevent the man’s moving and taking his property with him; but he happened to ask how much the girl was worth. How much do you think the fellow said? Fifteen dollars! And he went on to explain that this was an unusually high price, he knew, but that this girl was young and handsome and clever at work. Of course he thought so, for he was in love with her.

“Well, I suppose the Lieutenant was flush, or felt generous, or perhaps something had happened to put him in an unusually serene frame of mind. He handed over fifteen dollars, and told Pedro to go and buy the girl and marry her; which he did, and has been the happiest man alive ever since. He is really grateful, too, and there isn’t another officer in the service that is waited on as Lieutenant Day is. The funniest part of it all is, [126]though, that he just found out a day or two ago, that in his gratitude Pedro had stolen one of his master’s photographs to give to the Visayan girl he had married, so that she could see what their benefactor looked like, and she has been going out with it every day to an altar, or shrine, or something of that sort in the wall of an old fort here, where the native women go to worship, to pray to the saint there to shower all kinds of blessings on the American Señor who brought all this happiness to her and her husband.

“The boys have guyed Day so much about it, since they found it out, that he swears he will discharge the man, and have him hauled up for stealing the picture into the bargain. If he does, the woman will be likely to think that there is something the matter with the saint, I reckon, or that her prayers havn’t found favour.”

For once the wicker walls of a bamboo house had a merit all their own. At least that was what a certain young woman thought, when she could not help hearing this conversation [127]in the room in which she had shut herself for the afternoon.

That night at dinner Miss Grace Allenthorne, was so radiant that even her father noticed it.

“What have you been doing, Grace?” he said. “What’s the reason you feel so well, tonight? I havn’t seen you look so fine for a month.”

“Oh, nothing, father,” said the girl. “I don’t know of any special reason. I think that you just imagine it.”

Which was, of course, a very wrong thing for her to say; for she knew perfectly well what the reason was.

While they were still at table a messenger came post haste for General Allenthorne, with word that he was wanted at once at headquarters. He was absent nearly all night.

In the morning it was known that an outpost in the northern part of the island had been surprised and almost captured. The enemy was still in force about the place and [128]threatening it. A loyal native had crept through the lines to bring word and ask for help. A relief force had been made up and sent at once. Lieutenant Day was among those who volunteered to go, and had gone.

Ten days of horrible anxiety followed. Then word came that the relief party had reached the post in time. The forces surrounding the place had been scattered, and the post was safe. There had been a sharp fight, though, and among those who had been badly wounded was Lieutenant Day.

Of course he got well. No man could help it, with four such nurses as Mrs. Allenthorne and Mrs. Allenthorne’s daughter Grace, and Pedro and Pedro’s Visayan wife Anita.

Just what Grace told her mother, which led that worthy person to become responsible for the young officer’s recovery, no one ever knew except the two women themselves, but in addition to being a motherly-hearted woman, Mrs. Allenthorne was a soldier’s daughter as well as a soldier’s wife, so perhaps it [129]was not necessary to explain so many things to her as it would have been to some people.

Nobody ever knew—or at least never told—what explanation the young woman made to the Lieutenant, when he came back to consciousness and found her helping to care for him. Perhaps she did not explain. Possibly the explanations made themselves, or else none were needed.

At any rate, the young man got well, and since then he has been known to say—although this was in the strictest confidence to a very particular person—that he should always regard the Visayan woman’s prayers before “Our Lady of Pilar” with the profoundest gratitude, because the greatest blessing of his whole life had come to him through this woman’s praying for him outside the walls of the old fort.[133]

[Contents]

A Question of Time

“The native pilot who is to take the gunboat Utica around from Ilo Ilo to Capiz is a traitor. I have just discovered indisputable proofs of that fact. He has agreed to run the gunboat aground on a ledge near one of the Gigantes Islands, on which a force of insurgents is to be hidden, large enough to overpower the men on the gunboat in her disabled condition. Do not let her leave Ilo Ilo until you have a new pilot, and one you are sure of.

“Demauny.”

Captain James Demauny, of the American army in the Philippine Islands, folded the dispatch which he had just written, and sealed it. Then, calling an orderly to him he said, “Send Sergeant Johnson to me.”

Captain Demauny’s company was then at Pasi, a small inland town in the island of Panay. He had been dispatched by the American general commanding at Ilo Ilo, the chief seaport of Panay, to march to Capiz, a [134]seaport town on the opposite side of the island, to assist from the land side a small force of Americans besieged there by the natives, while the gunboat Utica was to steam around the northeastern promontory of the island and cooperate from the water side of the town, in its relief.

The distance across the island was about fifty miles, while that by water, by the route which the Utica must traverse, was about two hundred miles. Captain Demauny, starting first, had covered half the march laid out for him, without incident, until, halting at Pasi, half way across the island and well up in the mountains, he had been so fortunate as to obtain the information which he was about to send back to the commander at Ilo Ilo. Panay had been, up to this time, one of the most quiet islands in the group. He had met with no opposition in his march, so far, and it was believed that the only natives on the island who were under arms were those living in the northeastern part of the territory. [135]It was a force of these that had invested Capiz.

“Sergeant Johnson, sir,” the orderly reported.

“Very well. Send him in.”

A young man, wearing a faded brown duck uniform, tightly buttoned leggings, and a wide-rimmed gray hat, entered the tent.

“I have sent for you, sergeant,” said Captain Demauny, “for two reasons. One is that I want a man who is brave, and one whom I can trust.”

The sergeant bent his head slightly, in acknowledgement of the implied compliment, his cheeks looking a trifle darker shade of brown, where the blood had flushed the skin beneath its double deep coat of tan.

“The other reason,” the officer went on, “is that I want a man of whose muscle and endurance as a runner, and whose skill as a boatman, I have had some proof.”

In spite of the difference in rank, and the seriousness of the situation, which the officer knew and the man guessed, the two men [136]looked at each other and smiled. For one was a Harvard man, and the other had come from Yale.

“The gunboat Utica is to leave Ilo Ilo at midnight, tonight. It is of the very greatest importance that this dispatch,” handing him the letter, “be delivered to the American general at Ilo Ilo before the vessel gets under way. I entrust it to you, to see that it is delivered.

“You ought to have no trouble in getting there in ample season,” the captain continued, spreading out a map so that the other man could see it. “I cannot spare any men for an escort for you, because my force is already far too small for what we have to do. Instead of following back the road we took in coming here—which would be impassable for any one but a man on foot, even if I had a horse for you, which I have not—I think you can make better time by another route.

“Six miles from here,” pointing to the map, “you will reach the same river which we crossed at a point farther up the stream. [137]Get a boat there and go down the river some fifteen or twenty miles, until you come to a native village built at the head of steep falls in the stream. I am told that until you reach there the river is navigable, and that the current is so swift much of the way that you can make rapid progress. At that village you will have to leave your boat, but from that place you will find a clearly marked path to Ilo Ilo.

“The quicker you start, the better; and, as I have told you, I trust it to you to see that the general has the dispatch before the Utica leaves port.”

It was ten o’clock in the forenoon when the sergeant had been sent for to come to headquarters. Half an hour later he had started, the letter tightly wrapped in a bit of rubber blanket before he had placed it inside his jacket, for he had already had enough experience with the native boats to know how unstable they would be in the current of a rapid river.

The five miles from Pasi to the river were [138]easily made, in spite of the fact that it was midday, for there was a good path, which, for nearly all the distance, was shaded by lofty trees. When he reached the river the sergeant bought from a man whom he found there a native “banca,” for three dollars, a sum of money which would make a native rich. In this boat he started on his voyage down the river.

A native “banca” is a “dug-out,” a canoe hollowed out from the trunk of a tree. It is propelled and guided by a short, broad-bladed paddle, and is as unstable as the lightest racing shell, although not any where nearly so easy to send through the water.

It was unfortunate for the sergeant that he did not know—what he could not, since the map did not show it—that the place where the path touched the river first was on the upper side of a huge “ox-bow” bend. If he had kept on by land, a third of a mile’s walk farther through the swamp would have brought him to the river again, at a point to reach which by water, following the river’s [139]windings, he would have to paddle three or four miles.

Another thing which was unfortunate; that he could not know the nature of the man from whom he bought the “banca,” any better than he could know the nature of the river, and so did not suspect that he was dealing with a “tulisane,” to whom the little bag of money which the officer had shown when he had paid for the boat had looked like boundless wealth, to see which was to plan to possess.

A “tulisane” is to the Philippine Islands what a brigand is to Italy, a bandit to Spain, a highwayman to England, and a train-robber to America; a man who lives by his wits, and stops at no means to gain his object. The “banca,” by the way, was stolen property.

This man would have stabbed the American soldier when he stooped to step cautiously into the slippery boat, and taken the purse from his dead body, had he not been [140]far-sighted enough to see that the purse might be had, and much more money beside.

The “tulisane” knew that the American soldiers were at Pasi. Although he did not find it best to come to town himself, in general, he never had any trouble finding men to go there for him, and bring him news, or carry messages. No bandit leader who promptly carves an ear off the man who does his errands grudgingly is half so feared as a Filipino “tulisane” whom his fellows know to be the possessor of a powerful “anting-anting.” And this man’s “anting-anting” was famous for the wonders which it had done.

The “tulisane” knew that the American soldiers were at Pasi; and that the man who led them lived in one of the white tents they had set up there. This man in the brown clothes, which looked so tight that it made the Filipino tired just to look at them, could be no common soldier, else he would not be paying three big silver dollars for a “banca.” If anything was to happen to this man—that is if he was to disappear, and still not be [141]dead, and the officer in the white tent should know of it—the leader of the white soldiers would no doubt pay much money to have his man brought safely back. Consequently the man in the brown clothes, with the fat money purse, should be made to disappear.

That was the way the “tulisane” reasoned. It was the three dollars, the rest of the money in the purse, and the ransom which the leader of the white men would pay, which influenced the Filipino. It was not that the Asiatic highwayman cared a leaf of a forest tree for patriotism. So long as he got the money, white men and brown men were all alike to him, American soldiers and Filipino insurgents.

So the native, going into the forest, a little way back from the river, looked until he found a tree the roots of which growing out from well up the trunk had made a sort of great wooden drum. Taking a stout stick of hard wood which had been leaned against the tree,—he had been there before,—he struck the hollow tree three heavy blows, the sound [142]of which went echoing off through the forest. Then the man listened.

Not long; for from far, very far away, there came an answer, one blow, and then, after a moment’s pause, two more. The drum beats which followed, and the pauses for the faint replies, were like listening to a giant’s telegraph.

The soldier, paddling steadily out around the river’s winding course, heard the noise and wondered curiously what it was. The natives who heard it said, “The trees are talking,” meaning that some one was making them talk. To the “tulisane” the sounds meant that he was bringing his partner to help him, just as at night the far-off, long-drawn cry of a panther calls the creature’s mate to share the prey.

Sergeant Johnson, still paddling, after he would have said that with the help of the current he had put four good miles of the river behind him, saw a tiny ripple in the water ahead of the boat, but in a stream so rapid thought nothing of it.[143]

An instant later a cocoanut fibre rope, stretched taut across the river and just below the surface of the water, had turned his skittish boat bottom upward. The “tulisane,” you see, had seen the sergeant’s revolver, and thought wisest to attack him wet.

Drenched, blowing for breath, before he knew what had happened, the soldier found himself dragged to the bank, disarmed, robbed, his hands bound behind him, and his feet hobbled. He could speak Spanish and so could the “tulisanes.” Words told him that his captors, only two in number, meant him to march, hobbled as he was, along a path which they pointed out; but it took several sharp pricks from a “campilan” which one of them carried, to make him start. For the path led away from the river, away from Pasi, from Ilo Ilo and the Utica, which he would have given his life itself rather than fail to reach in time.

Only a little way back from the river the path began to leave the low land, mounting up to the hills among which the “tulisanes” [144]had their camp. Sometimes one of the brigands led the way, with the prisoner between them, sometimes both drove him before them, secure in the knowledge that in his helpless condition he could not escape. The captain’s message, in its rubber case, still lay undisturbed and dry within the messenger’s jacket. For that he was glad, although his heart sank as every step carried him farther away from the destination of the dispatch, and from the chance of its being delivered in season.

The means which providence uses to accomplish the ends which it desires are marvellous, and those of us who do not believe in providence say, “a strange coincidence.”

The day before, back among the mountains of Panay, a little old Montese woman, who had never heard of God, or of America, and whose only dress had been thirty yards of fine bamboo plaiting coiled round and round her body, had died.

When the dead body had been set properly upright beneath the tiny hut which had been [145]the woman’s home, and food and drink placed beside it for the long journey which the spirit was to take, the hut was abandoned, as is the custom of the tribe, and the men of the family, the woman’s sons and nephews, started out with freshly sharpened lances and “mechetes.”

For this is the only religion of the Monteses; that no one must be left to go alone upon the long journey. And so, when one of a family dies, the men relatives do not stay their hands until some one,—the first person met,—is slain by them to go on the journey as an escort. Only if they seek three days through the wood, and find no human being, then, after the third day, a beast may be slain, and the law of blood still be satisfied.

The sons and nephews of the Montese woman had marched for thirty-six hours, and the steel of their weapons had not been dimmed by any moisture other than the dew, when, suddenly rounding a turn in the mountain path, they met three men.

The first of the three at that moment was [146]the “tulisane” leader, and him, in thirty seconds, they had driven six lances through. His partner, with a scream of terror, dashed into the trackless forest and disappeared. He need not. The demand for a sacrifice was appeased, and the men who had killed the “tulisane” cared as little for his companion as they did for the white man who had been his prisoner. All they wanted, now, was to get back to the Montese country, and to the new huts which their women would have been building in their absence. The white man’s words they could not understand, but his gestures were intelligible, and before they parted, he to hurry back towards the river and they towards the Montese country, they had cut the cords which bound the soldier’s hands and hobbled his feet, and thus had left him free to make such haste as he could.

Even then the afternoon was well nigh gone when the messenger reached the river at the place where he had been dragged from it; and practically all his journey was yet before him, wearied as he was.[147]

For once, though, fortune favored him. His dug-out had grounded on a sandy island hardly a dozen rods below where it had been overturned, and swimming out to it, he soon had righted it and was on his way again.

At first the forest on each side was a tropic swamp. Then the river grew more swift, with here and there rapids in which it took all his skill with his clumsy paddle to keep his boat from being upset. The ground had begun to grow higher here, and back from the banks there were rank growths of hemp and palm trees.

A few miles farther, and he was in the mountains, the river winding about like a lane of water between walls which were almost perpendicular, and covered with the densest, bright green foliage, in which parrots croaked hoarsely and monkeys chattered sleepily as they settled themselves for the night. The walls of the living canon grew narrower and steeper. The river here was as still as a lake, and the current so sluggish that only his labour with the paddle sent the [148]“banca” forward. It grew dark quickly and fast, down in the bottom of this mountain gorge, and by and by the twilight glow on the tops of the banks, when he would peer up at them, grew fainter.

The soldier strained his eyes to look ahead. Would the living green canons of that river never end? It was dark now, except that the stars in the narrow line of sky above the gorge sent down light enough to make the surface of the water gleam faintly and mark out his course.

He drew his paddle from the water, and holding it so that the drops which trickled from it would make no noise, listened breathlessly for the sound of the falls which marked the site of the village he was to find, and at it leave his boat for the land again. A night bird screamed in the forest, and then there was utter silence, until a soft splash in the water beside him revealed the ugly head of a huge black crocodile following the dug-out.

By and by the stars in the lane of sky above grew dim, and a stronger light, which faintly [149]illuminated the river gorge, told him that the full moon had risen, although not yet high enough to light his course directly. After a time the gorge grew wider and its sides less steep and high; and then, at last, he heard the roar of the falls, and found the village, and had landed.

What time it might be now the sergeant did not dare to guess. A sleepy native pointed out to him the path, stared, when the stranger said he must hurry on to Ilo Ilo that night, and flatly refusing to be his guide, went back to bed.

The forest path was rankly wet with night dew, and dimly lighted by the moon. The soldier hurried forward, only to find that in his haste he had missed the main path. Slowly and anxiously he retraced his way until he found the right road again, and then went forward slowly enough now to go with care.

And so, at last, he saw before him the city of Ilo Ilo, only to learn, when he was challenged by a picket, that it was one o’clock and [150]that the Utica had steamed out of the harbour an hour before.

Useless as he feared the dispatch might be now, Sergeant Johnson insisted that it be delivered at once, and that he be given an opportunity to ask to be allowed to tell the general why he was so late. When that officer, roused from sleep, had read the dispatch and heard the story briefly, for there were other things to be thought of then, he told the young man, “You have done well,” for he knew the ways of Filipino “tulisanes,” “and after all perhaps you may not be too late.”

But before he explained what he meant by the last part of his sentence, the general called for one of his aids, and as soon as the man could be brought, hastily gave him certain orders with instructions that they were to be communicated to the officers whom they concerned, as quickly as was possible, regardless of how sound asleep those gentlemen might be.

Then, because he was at heart a kindly man, and because he felt that the water-soaked, [151]thorn-torn soldier before him, pale with weariness and anxiety, had done his best, the general told him what was the nature of the dispatch, and why, even then, he might yet be in time.

For by another of the fortunate dispensations of providence, or if you please, by a strange coincidence, that very afternoon another American gunboat had unexpectedly steamed into the harbour of Ilo Ilo and dropped anchor.

The general had sent messages to the commander of the Ogdensburgh, explaining the situation to him, and as soon as that officer understood the matter he replied, “You did just right.”

“We will start in pursuit of the Utica as soon as we can get up steam, and do our best to overtake her.”

Could they overtake her? That was the question. She had a good three hours start, for daylight was breaking before the Ogdensburgh could be got under way, and the registered speed of the boats was about equal.[152]

At any rate there was doubt enough as to what the result would be so that when the Ogdensburgh reached the town of Concepcion, fifty miles up the coast from Ilo Ilo, and the Utica was seen to be lying at anchor in the harbour there, the commander of the Ogdensburgh said words which were as thankful as they were emphatic. For just beyond Concepcion harbour began the narrow channels of the Gigantes Islands, in some of which he had feared to find the gunboat wrecked.

When the captain of the Utica came to know why he was pursued, and what he had escaped, he was as grateful for the faulty cylinder head which had delayed him as, the night before, he had been exasperated by it.

The pilot, charged with his treachery, proved at once that the charge was true, by turning traitor again and offering to buy the safety of his own neck by guiding the boats to where they could shell the woods in which the natives were hidden.[155]

[Contents]

The Spirit of Mt. Apo

From the deck of any vessel passing up the southeast coast of Mindanao, the voyager can see the gold-crowned summit of Apo, rising like a gilded cone high above the dense vegetation of the island at its base.

Next to Luzon, on which the city of Manila is situated, Mindanao is the largest of all the islands of the Philippine archipelago. Lying as it does far to the southeast, and near the Sulu Islands, the Moros, as the venturesome Sulus are called, invaded Mindanao more than two hundred years ago, and gradually crept farther and farther along the coasts and up the river valleys, waging intermittent warfare against the Visayans who had come from the west to settle on the island, and against the natives that lived inland, and keeping up constant relentless war upon the Spaniards who claimed the sovereignty of the island. There are few islands of its size in the world where so many different kinds of people live, and perhaps no other where so [156]many wild deeds have been done. Until within the last two years, a man’s will there has been likely to be his only law.

Nature has done much for the island. The soil is of incalculable richness. Fruits and grains grow luxuriantly where the ground is turned over, and as if to make the natives laugh at the need of such labour the forests yield fruits and nuts with lavish generosity. Deer and buffalo run wild, and numberless varieties of pigeons live in the trees.

Mount Apo, in the extreme southeastern part of the island, and almost upon the coast, is the loftiest mountain in the archipelago. Its height is usually estimated to be not far from ten thousand feet. A spiral of steam drifting up from the sulphur-crowned summit of the mountain shows that fires still linger in its bosom, but for many years it has been quiet, and at no time does history show that it has broken forth in fury to wreak the awful destruction that is written down against some of the volcanoes of these islands.[157]

My work as a naturalist had several times brought me where I could see Apo, and each time I had been more and more fascinated by it, and more desirous of climbing to its top.

When I began to talk of making the ascent, though, I found it would be no easy matter. Not only were the sides of the mountain said to be steep, and the forests which clothed them impassable, but there were mysterious dangers to be encountered. Men who had gone with me anywhere else I had asked them, had affairs of their own to attend to when I spoke of climbing Apo, or else flatly refused to go.

I was told that no man that started up the mountain had ever come back. Enormous pythons drew their green bodies over its sides. Man-apes lived in its upper forests whose strength no human being could meet. Devils and goblins lurked in the crevasses below the summit, and above all and most terrible of all, there was a spirit of the mountain whose face to see was death.

My questions as to how they knew all these [158]things if no man had lived to come back from the mountain had no effect. This was not a case for logic; it was one of those where instinct ruled.

There is a queer little animal, something like a sable, which is peculiar to Mindanao. The natives call it “gato del monte,” which means “mountain cat.” I wanted to get some specimens of this animal and also of a variety of pigeon which they call “the stabbed dove,” because it has a tuft of bright red feathers like a splash of blood upon its otherwise snow-white breast.

To get these I settled myself in a native village a few miles inland from the town of Dinagao, on the west shore of the Gulf of Davao. Mount Apo towered just above this place, and I meant to climb its sides before I left the valley.

After the Bagabos in whose village I was living found that all their tales of the terrible dangers on Apo did not dissuade me from tempting them, three of the men agreed to pilot me as far up the mountain side as they [159]ever went, and to carry there for me a sufficient supply of food to last me, as they evidently believed, as long as I should need food. One of them, the best guide and carrier I had found on the whole island, had screwed his courage up to where he had promised to go farther with me; but the morning of our start a “quago” bird flew across our path and hooted; and that settled the matter. Such an ominous portent as that no intelligent Bagabo could be expected to disregard. The men hardly could be got to carry my luggage as far as they had agreed, and as soon as they had put the things down, they bade me a hasty farewell and scuttled down the mountain as fast as their legs could carry them.

I slept that night where the men had left me, and set out early the next morning, hoping to get to the top of the mountain and back to the same place before night overtook me. The climb was more than hard for the first mile—harder than I had even feared. The forest grew so dense as to be practically [160]impassable, and I finally took to the bed of a rocky stream, up which the travelling, although dangerous, was not so hard.

In time, though, by scrambling up this water course, I passed beyond the tree line, and then, where there was only shrubbery, it was fairly easy to get along. I could see above the vegetation, now, and the view even from here would have repaid me for all my effort. The side of the mountain swept down in a majestic curve from my feet to the sea. At its base was Dinagao, and farther up the coast, Davao. Beyond them lay the blue waters of the Gulf of Davao, and far across this, showing only as a line of deeper blue upon the water, the mountain ranges of the eastern peninsula.

The bushes through which I waded were bent down with the ripe berries which grew on them. A herd of small, dark brown deer feeding among the bushes hardly moved out of my way. I wondered at their tameness, but thought it must be because no man had ever come within their sight before.[161]

Above the bushes there was a zone of rock, broken in places into huge boulders, and then between this and the cone was the sulphur field, glowing, now that I was near enough to see it, with a richness of colouring such as no painter’s palette could reproduce. From darkest green to deepest blue, through all the tints and shades of yellow, the colour scheme went, with here and there a touch of rose.

I had stopped a moment to get breath and to gaze at the wonderful scene before me when there came into it and stood still between two great rocks, as a living picture might have stepped up into its frame, a woman, the strangest to look at that I have ever seen.

She was young and slender. She was dressed in a simple, dark-brown, hemp-cloth garment which fell from neck to feet, and her round young arms were bare to the shoulder.

It took me a full minute, before I could realize what it was which made her look so strange to me.

Then I knew. It had been so long since I [162]had seen a white woman that I did not know one when I saw her.

This woman’s face and arms were as white as mine—much whiter, indeed, for I was tanned by months of Asiatic sun—and the hair which fell about her shoulders and down below her waist, was white;—not light, or golden, but white.

For once in my life, I am willing to confess, my nerves went back on me; and I could think of nothing but what the natives in the village at the foot of the mountain had told me. Pythons and man-apes and devils I had seen no trace of, but here, beyond question, was the “Spirit of the Mountain.”

A stout, pointed staff of iron-wood, which I had been carrying to help me in my scramble up the mountain, slipped from my hand and fell clattering to the rocks. The woman turned her head toward the spot from which the sound had come, as if she heard the noise of the stick upon the stones, but although we were only a little way from each other, there [163]was no expression in her face to indicate that she saw me.

Then she spoke.

“Madre!”

There was no answer, and she called again, clearer and louder.

“Ma-dre!”

There was a sound of swift steps on the stones, and a moment later another woman—an older woman—came from behind one of the rocks.

As if in answer to some question in the girl’s face, the woman looked down and saw me.

In an instant she had sprung before the younger woman, as if to hide her from me.

There are some women in the world whose very manner carries with it an impression of power. Such was the woman whom I saw before me now. Not young; dark of skin, clad only in the simplest possible hemp-cloth garment, there was in her face a dignity which could not but win instant recognition.[164]

“Who are you?” she asked in Spanish. “And why do you come here?”

I told her as simply and as plainly as I could, who I was, and why I had come up the mountain. She kept her place in front of the girl, screening her from sight during all the time that we were talking.

When I had finished she stood silent for a moment, as if thinking what to do.

“Since you have come here,” she said at last, “where I had thought no one would ever come, and have learned what I had hoped no one would ever know, you will not, I feel sure, deny me an opportunity to tell you enough of the reason why two women live in this wild place, so that I hope you will help them to keep their secret. May I ask you to go with us to the place which we call home?”

I said I would be glad to go, without having the slightest idea where we were going. I should have said it just the same, I think, if I had known she was going to lead me straight down into the crater of the volcano.

“Elena,” the older woman said, speaking [165]to the girl. Then she said something else, in a native dialect which I did not understand.

The girl came out from the place where she had been hidden, and passed behind the rocks. When I saw her face, now, I saw what I had not perceived before. She was blind.

When the girl had been gone a little time the woman said: “Will you follow me?”

She waited until I had climbed up to where she stood, and then led the way around the rock behind which the girl had disappeared. A well defined path led from that place down into the dwarfed vegetation, and then, through that to the forest beyond. The girl was already some distance down this path, walking rather slowly, as blind people walk, but steadily, and with fingers outstretched here and there to touch the bushes on each side.

We followed. Where the trees began to be tall enough to furnish shelter, my guide stopped, pushed aside the branches of what appeared to be an impenetrable thicket, and motioned me to follow her through. The girl [166]had disappeared again. The opening through which we went was so thoroughly hidden that I might have gone past it fifty times and never suspected it was there, or thought that the path down which we had come was anything but a deer track.

Another short path led us to a cleared space in the forest in which a long, low house of bamboo and thatch had been built. A herd of deer was feeding near the house. Those directly in our path moved lazily out of the way. The others did not stir. I knew then why the deer that I had seen as I had come up the mountain were so tame.

A broad porch was built against one side of the house, and under this were hung fibre hammocks. The woman pointed me to one of these hammocks, and leaving me there went into the house. When she came back she brought two gourds filled with some kind of home-made wine, and two wooden cups. The girl, coming just behind her, brought a basket of fruit which the woman took from her and placed upon a bamboo stand beside my [167]hammock. Then, filling one of the cups from a gourd, she drank half its contents and set the cup down, fixing her eyes on mine as she did so.

I knew enough of native customs by this time to understand what this meant. If I took the cup which she had drunk from, and drank, I was a guest of the house, and bound in honor to do it no harm. If I poured wine from the other gourd into another cup and drank, I was under obligations as a guest only while I was under the roof.

I took the cup from the table and drank the half portion of wine which she had left in it.

“Thank you,” the woman said. “I will trust you.”

Then, sitting on a bamboo stool near my hammock, she began to talk. Only, at times, as she told me her story, she would rise and walk up and down the porch, as if she could tell some things easier walking than when sitting still.

Much of what she told me I shall not write down here; but enough for an understanding [168]of the strange things which followed.

“My home was once in ——,” she said, naming one of the most important towns in the island. “My father was a Spanish officer, rich, proud and powerful. My mother was a Visayan woman. When I was little more than a girl, my parents married me to a Spanish officer much older than myself. So far as I knew then what love was, I thought I loved him. Afterward, I came to know.

“Among the prisoners brought into my husband’s care there came one day a Moro, whose life, for some reason, had been spared longer than was the lot of most prisoners. I told myself, the first time I saw this man, that he was the noblest looking man I had ever seen, and since that time I have never seen his equal. Chance made it possible for us to meet and speak, and then, in a little while, I came to know what love really is.

“One day I learned that the Moro prisoner was to be beheaded the next day. Word had come that a Spanish prisoner whom the [169]Moros had captured some time before, and with the hope of whose ransom this man had been held, had been killed.

“That night”—the woman was walking the floor of the porch now—“I killed my husband while he was asleep, set the man I loved free, and we fled the city. By day we hid in the forests, and walked by night, until we came to a part of the island where the Moros lived. Nicomedis brought me to the town which had been his home, and we were married and lived there.

“Elena is our child. You have seen her.”

I realized cow the truth about the girl;—her strange appearance, the color of her skin and eyes and hair. In my travels through the islands I had once or twice seen other albino children.

The woman had sat down again.

“Our life in the Moro town was never wholly comfortable. My husband’s people distrusted me. I was of a different faith, and from a hostile race. They would rather he would have chosen a wife of his own people. [170]When the child was born things grew worse. Some said the tribe would never win in war while the child lived;—it was a curse. Then came a year when the plague raged among the Moros as it had never been known to do, terrible as some of its visits before that time had been.

“One day a slave, whose life Nicomedis once had saved when his master would have beaten the man to death, came to our house and told us that the people of the town were coming to kill us all, that the curse might be removed and the plague stayed. My husband would have stood up to fight them all until he himself was killed, but for the sake of the child, and because I begged him not to leave us alone, he did not. Again we fled into the forest; and because the trees and the beasts and the birds were kinder to us than any men, we said we would come up here—where we knew no man dare come—and would live our lives here.

“Eight years ago my husband died.” The woman was walking the porch again, and [171]sometimes she waited a long time between the sentences of her story. “We buried him out there,” pointing to where the forest came up to one side of the enclosure. “It is easy for us to live here. We have everything we need. We have never been disturbed before. Only once, years ago, did any of the natives come as far up the mountain as this, and it was easy for us to frighten them so that no one has dared to come since then. You are the only living person who knows our secret. Shall we know that it is to be safe with you?”

For answer I filled the wooden cup from the gourd again, drank half the contents, and handed the cup to her to drink the rest.

“I thank you,” she said. “My life has had enough of sin and suffering in it so that I have hoped it may not have more of either.

“I would not have you think that I am complaining,” she said hastily, a moment later, as if she was afraid I would get that impression. “I am not. I do not regret one day of my life. My hands are stained with what people call crime, and my heart knows all the weight [172]which grief can lay upon a heart; but the joy of my life while my husband lived paid for it all. To have been loved by him as I was loved, was well worth crime and grief.”

“Why do you not go away from here?” I asked. “Why not leave this country entirely, and go to some new land where you would be free from danger? I will help you to get away.”

“We know nothing of other lands,” she said. “We should be helpless there. We are better here.” “Besides,” a moment later, “his grave,” pointing out toward the trees, “is here.”

It had grown dark as we talked; the thick, dead darkness of a Philippine forest night. The deer on the ground outside the porch had lain down and curled their heads around beside them and gone to sleep. Enormous bats flew past the house. We could not see them, but we felt the air which their huge wings set in motion. The woman lighted a little torch of “viao” nuts. Elena came out of the house, walked across the porch and disappeared [173]in the darkness, going toward the forest.

“Ought she to go?” I asked. “Will she not be lost, or hurt?”

“Did you not understand it all?” the girl’s mother said. “She is blind only in the day time. At night she sees as readily as you and I do by day.”

In a few minutes the girl came back with her hands filled with fresh picked fruit. She gave me this, and her mother brought out from the house such simple food as she could provide.

“You will sleep here, tonight,” she said, and left me.

The next day I went to the top of the mountain, and after that, by making two trips to my camp, brought up all the articles which had been left there, including some blankets a gun and ammunition, some food and some medicines. These I asked “the woman of the mountain,” as I called her to myself, to let me give to her. She took them, and thanked me. I stayed there that night, and the next day [174]said good by to the two strange women, and went down the mountain.

When I reached my house in the village I found my neighbors getting ready to divide my property among themselves, since they were satisfied I would never return to claim it. They did not think it strange that I came back empty-handed. That I had come back at all was a wonder. For the sake of the security of the two women I let it be known that I had seen strange sights on the volcano’s top, and that it was a perilous journey to climb its sides.

I planned to stay in the village some weeks longer. My house, like most of the native habitations, was built of bamboo, and was set upon posts several feet above the ground. I lived alone. One night about a month after my return, I woke from a sound sleep, choking.

Some one’s hand was pressed tightly over my mouth, and another hand on my breast held me down motionless upon my sleeping mat. [175]“Don’t speak!” some one whispered into my ear. “Don’t make a sound! Lie perfectly quiet until you understand all that I am saying!

“The natives have banded themselves together to kill you tonight. They believe the village has been cursed ever since you came down from Mount Apo, and that you are the cause of it.”

I could see now that there had been a growing coldness toward me on the part of the people ever since I had come back. And there had been evil luck, too. The chief’s best horse had cast himself and had to be killed. Two men out hunting had fallen into the hands of a hostile tribe and been “boloed.” Game had been unusually scarce, and a “quago” bird had hooted three nights in succession.

“They are coming here tonight to burn your house,” the same voice whispered, “and kill you with their spears if you try to escape the flames. No matter how I knew, or how we came. There is no time to lose. You [176]cannot stop to bring anything with you. Come outside the house at once, as noiselessly as possible, and Elena will lead us to where you can escape.”

The hands were taken from my mouth and body, and I felt that I was alone.

A few moments later, outside the house, when I stepped from the ladder to the ground, a hand—a woman’s hand—grasped mine firmly.

“Do not be afraid to follow,” the same voice whispered. “Elena will lead the way, and will tell us of anything in the path.”

The hand gave a tug at mine, and I followed. We were in absolute darkness. Sometimes the frond of a giant fern brushed against my cheek, or the sharp-pointed leaf of a palm stung my face, but that was all. The girl led us steadily onward through the forest.

“Stop!” she said, once, “and look back.”

I turned my face in the direction from which we had come. A ray of light shone in the darkness, and quickly became a blaze. It [177]was my house on fire. With the light of the fire came the sound of savage cries, the shouts of the men watching with poised spears about the burning house. In the dim light which the fire cast where we stood, I could make out the forms of my two companions. A black cloth bound around the girl’s head hid her white hair. In the dark, her eyes, so blank in the day light, glowed like two stars. She held her mother by the hand, and the older woman’s other hand grasped mine. I looked at the girl, and thought of Nydia, leading the fugitives from out Pompeii to safety.

Before the light of the fire had died, we were on our way again. It seemed to me as if we walked in the darkness of the forest for hours; but after a little we were following a beaten track. At times the girl told us to step over a tree fallen across the path, or warned us that we were to cross a stream. At last we came out on the hard sand of the ocean beach, and reached the water’s edge. Freed from the forest’s shade the darkness was less dense. I could make out the surface [178]of the water, and out on it a little way some dark object. The girl spoke to her mother in their native tongue.

“There is a ‘banca,’” the woman said, pointing out over the water to the boat. “No matter whose it is. Swim out to it, pull up the anchor, and before day comes you can be safe.”

I tried to thank her.

“I am glad we could do it,” she said, simply. “I am glad if we could do good.”

Then they left me; and went back up the beach into the darkness.[181]

[Contents]

With What Measure Ye Mete

“The story of the tax collector of Siargao reminds me of an official of that rank whom I once knew,” said a fellow naturalist whom I once met at a club in Manila, and with whom I had been exchanging experiences. “It was when I was gathering specimens in Negros. They were a bad lot, those collectors, a set of money-grabbers of the worst kind, but, bad as they were, they had a hard time, too.

“If they did not make their pile, out of the poor natives, and go back to Manila or to Spain, rich, in three or four years, it was pretty likely to be because they had fallen victims to the hate of the natives or to the distrust of the officials at headquarters.

“When I first went to Negros, and had occasion to go to the tribunal, as the government house was called, I noticed some objects in one of the rooms so odd and so different from anything I had seen anywhere else that I asked their use. I was told that they were [182]used for catching men who had not paid their taxes.

“Among the various thorn-bearing plants which the swamps of the Philippine Islands produce is one called the ‘bejuco,’ or ‘jungle rope.’ This is a vine of no great size, but of tremendous strength, which, near the end, divides into several slender but very tough branches. Each of these branches is surrounded by many rings of long, wicked, recurved thorns, as sharp and strong as steel fish-hooks, and nearly as difficult to dislodge. The hunter who encounters a thicket of ‘bejuco’ goes around it, or turns back, for it is hopeless to try to go through. While he frees himself from the grasp of one thorn, a dozen more have caught him somewhere else.

“The objects which I had seen in the tribunal guard room were made of long bamboo poles, across one end of which two short pieces had been fastened. To these cross pieces were bound a great number of the ‘bejuco’ vines, so arranged that the innumerable [183]hooks which they bore could be easily swung about in the air.

“The ‘Gobernadorcillo’ who was in office at the time was a man who had no mercy on his people. Negros, with the other islands of the group commonly known as Visayan, forms a province which is under the supervision of a governor who has his headquarters in the island of Cebu, where also the bishop who is the head of the see resides.

“Negros is near enough to Cebu so that the authority of the government could be maintained better there than it could in the more distant islands. When I was there the village of Dumaguete, the chief town and seaport of Negros, contained a stone fort, the most imposing probably of any outside the capital; while the garrison formed of half-breed soldiers who were on duty there, sent down from Cebu with the ‘Gobernadorcillo,’ kept the people in a degree of subjection which in many places would have been impossible.

“The men whom the Governor employed to [184]round up his delinquent subjects were called ‘cuadrilleros.’ Sunday was the day he devoted to the sport, for such I think he really regarded it. The ‘cuadrilleros’ would start out in the morning with a list of the men who were wanted. A house would be surrounded, and unless the man had been given some warning of their coming, and had fled, he would be driven out. Then, if he tried to escape, or refused to come with them, one of the ‘bejuco’ ‘man-catchers’ was swung with a practiced hand in his direction, and, caught in a hundred places by its cruel, thorny hooks, he was led to town, the journey in itself being a torture such as few men would think they could endure. The whipping came later.

“It was not until Pedro fell into trouble that I came to know really the worst of all this. Of course I knew in a way, I had seen the ‘bejuco’ poles, and the rattans, and the whipping bench, and sometimes, of a Sunday, when I was in the village and could not go away, I had heard cries from the tribunal such as white men do not often hear—such as [185]I hope no one will ever hear again, even from those places.

“Pedro was my Visayan servant, a good worker and a likable fellow in every way. He came to me one Sunday morning in great distress. His twin brother had been dragged into the tribunal that morning by the ‘cuadrilleros,’ and was at that very moment being flogged. Could I not help him? Would I not go to the Governor and tell him that Pedro would pay his brother’s tribute as soon as he could earn the money?

“If course I would. I would gladly do more than that I would pay the money myself and let Pedro earn it afterwards. The man’s last wages, I knew, had gone to pay his old father’s taxes and his own. His family lived some little distance inland.

“We lost no time in getting to the tribunal. Pedro told me on the way, and I think he told me the truth, that his brother’s tax was not rightly due then, else he would have been ready with the money.[186]

“I have always been glad I had Pedro wait outside the door of the government house.

“His brother was bound upon the whipping bench, his body bare to the waist. A row of stripes which ran diagonally across his bare back from hip to shoulder showed where each blow of the rattan had cut through skin and flesh so that the blood flowed back to mark its course.

”‘Stop!’ I cried, rushing forward to where the Governor was standing. ‘Stop! I will pay this man’s tax. How much is it? Let him up! I’ll pay for him.’

“The Governor looked at me a moment, and, excited as I was, I noticed that his face was set in an angry scowl.

”‘You can’t pay for him, now,’ he said. ‘No one can pay for him now.’

”‘I’ll teach them,’ he added, a moment later, ‘See that!’ holding up his left arm, about the wrist of which I saw a handkerchief was bound, fresh stained with blood.

”‘Go on!’ he cried, to the man with the rod.[187]

“At first I could not find out what had happened. Then a soldier told me.

“The man had been brought in like a snared animal, held by the jungle ropes, each thorn of which was agony. When he had cried out that he was unjustly tortured, the Governor himself had dragged the clinging hooks from out his flesh, and had called him a name which to the Visayan means deathly insult if it be not resented.

“At which Pedro’s brother, snatching a knife which was hidden inside his clothing, struck at the Governor and wounded him in the arm, before he could be caught by the soldiers, disarmed, and bound down on the bench.

“And all the time I had been learning this, the blows of the flog-man had been falling, laid on with an artistic cruelty across the other welts.

“I could not bear it. At the risk of destroying my chances to be allowed to finish my work in the island, perhaps even at the risk [188]of putting my own life in danger, I tried once more.

”‘Unless you stop,’ I cried, ‘I will report you to your government.’

“The ‘Gobernadorcillo’ looked at me a moment, and almost smiled—a smile which showed his teeth at the sides of his mouth.

”‘Please yourself.’ he said. ‘But unless you like what I am doing I would suggest that you step out.’

“The man died that night, in the prison beneath the tribunal.

“I kept my word, and wrote a full account of the whole affair to the Governor-general at Manila. It was weeks before I received a curt note in reply, saying that the general government made it a rule not to interfere with the local jurisdiction of its subordinates.

“Pedro never spoke to me of his brother’s death but once. There was in his nature much of the same grim courage which had enabled his brother to bear the awful pain of that day upon the whipping bench without a cry.[189]

”‘Señor,’ Pedro said one day, quite suddenly, ‘I would not have you think me a coward, that I do not avenge my brother’s death. I would have killed the Governor at once, or now, or any day, openly, glad to have him know how and why, and glad to die for the deed, only that now there is no one but me left to care for my old father, It is not that I am a coward, but that I wait.’

“I expect that I should have felt myself in duty bound to expostulate with him, upon harbouring such a state of mind as that, regardless of what my own private opinion in the matter may have been, had it not been that before I could decide just what I wanted to say, a man had come to my house to tell me that the mail steamer from Manila, which came to the island only once in two months was come in sight.

“The coming of that particular steamer was of special interest to me, as it was to bring me a stock of supplies; and Pedro and I went down to the dock at once.

“I remember that invoice in particular, because [190]it brought me a supply of chloroform, a drug, which I had been out of, and for which I was anxiously waiting. Two months before, a native from far back in the forest had brought me a fine live ape. I could not keep him alive,—that is not after I left the island,—and I wanted his skin and skeleton for the museum, but I hated to mar the beauty of the specimen by a wound. That night with Pedro’s help I put him quietly out of the way, with the help of the chloroform.

“Afterwards the thought came back to me that as we took away the cone and cotton, when I was sure the animal was dead, Pedro said, ‘Señor, how like a man he looks.’

“Several weeks later the residents of Dumaguete were thrown into intense if subdued excitement by the news that the Gobernadorcillo was dead. Apparently well as usual the night before, he had been found dead in hie bed in the morning, in the room in the ‘gobierno’ in which he slept. If he had been killed on the street, or found stabbed, or shot, in his room, the commotion would not [191]have been so great. Such things as that had happened in Negros more than once, to other officials. But this man was simply dead.

“The ‘teniente primero,’ who, as next in authority, took charge of affairs upon the death of his superior, sent a man during the day to ask me if I would come to the tribunal. He was a very decent man, or would have been, I think, under a different executive. Naturally he was anxious, under the circumstances, as to his own standing with the authorities at Cebu, and he asked for my evidence, if necessary, as that of one of the few foreigners in the place.

“In company with him I visited the late governor’s room in the ‘gobierno.’ It was a large room, like all of those in the palace, as the executive mansion was sometimes called, built upon the ground floor, and having several lattice windows. A soldier was on duty in the room. As we were coming out, this man came to us, and saluting the ‘teniente,’ handed him a small tin can, saying, ‘A servant cleaning the room, found this.’[192]

“The ‘teniente’ looked at the can curiously, and then, handing it to me, asked me if I knew what it was.

”‘It is a can in which a kind of strong liquor sometimes comes,’ I said. Then I unscrewed the top. The can was empty, but I showed him that there was still a strong and pungent odor which lingered in it. The explanation satisfied him. The late governor had been known to be a man who had more than a passing liking for strong liquors.

“I did not feel called upon to explain that the can was a chloroform can, and that no one in the place but myself had any like it.

“When I went home, though, and counted my stock, I found, as I had expected, that it was one can short; and that the cone and cotton which I had used for giving the drug had been replaced by one freshly made.

“I did not think it necessary, either, to impart the result of my investigations to the authorities, or to suggest to them any suspicions which might have been roused in my own mind.[193]

“Even if there had not been very decided personal reasons why I would better not, unless I was obliged to, I had in mind that letter of a few months before, when these same authorities had informed me of their policy of non-interference in local affairs.

“Moreover, I could not but remember what I had seen that day, when the man now dead had said to me, ‘I’ll teach them.’ If his teachings had been effectual, had I any reason to criticise?”[197]

[Contents]

Told at the Club

“Speaking of ‘anting-anting,’” said a man at the club House on the bank of the Pasig river, in Manila, one evening, “I have had an experience in that line myself which was rather striking.”

An American officer at the club that evening had just been telling us about a native prisoner captured by his command sometime before in one of the smaller islands, who, when searched, had been found to be wearing next his skin a sort of undershirt on which was roughly painted a crude map of certain of the islands of the archipelago.

This shirt, it seemed, the officer went on to explain, the man regarded as a powerful “anting-anting,” which would be able to protect him from injury in any of the islands represented on it. That he had been taken alive, instead of having been killed in the fight in which he was captured, the man firmly believed to be due to the fact that he was wearing the shirt at the time. A native servant [198]in the employ of one of the officers of the company had explained later that such an “anting-anting” as this was highly prized, and that it increased in value with its age. Only certain “wise men” had the right to add a new island to the number of those painted on the garment, and before this could be done the wearer of the shirt must have performed some great deed of valour in that particular island. The magic garment was worn only in time of war, or when danger was known to threaten, and was bequeathed from father to son, or, sometimes, changed ownership in a less peaceful way.

“What was the experience which you have referred to?” I finally asked the man who had spoken, when he did not seem inclined to go on of his own accord.

The man hesitated a moment before he replied to my question, and something in his manner then, or perhaps when he did speak, made me feel as if he was sorry that he had spoken at all.

“It is a story I do not like to tell,” he said, [199]and then added hastily a little later, as if in explanation, “I mean I do not like to tell it because I cannot help feeling, when I do tell it, that people do not believe me to be telling the truth.

“Some years ago,” he continued, “I went down to the island of Mindoro to hunt ‘timarau,’ one of the few large wild animals of the islands—a queer beast, half way between a wild hog and a buffalo.

“I hired as a guide and tracker, a wiry old Mangyan native who seemed to have an instinct for finding a ‘timarau’ trail and following it where my less skillful eyes could see nothing but undisturbed forest, and who also seemed to have absolutely no fear, a thing which was even more remarkable than his skill, since the natives as a general thing are notably timid about getting in the way of an angry ‘timarau.’ As a matter of fact I did not blame them so very much for this, after I had had one experience myself in trying to dodge the wild charge of one of these animals infuriated [200]by a bullet which I had sent into his body.

“Perico, though,—that was the old man’s name,—never seemed to have the least fear.

“I was surprised, then, one morning when the weather and forest were both in prime condition for a Hunt, to have my guide flatly refuse to leave our camp. Nothing which I could say or do had the least influence upon him. I reasoned, and threatened, and coaxed, and swore, but all to no effect.

“When I asked him why he would not go,—what was the matter,—was he ill? he did not seem to be inclined to answer at first, except to say that he was not ill; but finally, later in the day, he explained to me that he had had a ‘warning’ that it would not be safe for him to go hunting that day; that his life would be in danger if he did go.

“Perico had been about the islands much more than most of the men of his tribe. He had even been to Manila once or twice, and so not only knew much more about the world than most Mangyans did, but had also picked [201]up enough of the Spanish language so that he could speak it fairly well. In this way he was able to tell me, finally, how the ‘warning’ had come to him, and why he put so much confidence in it. He also told me this was why he had been so brave about the hunting before. He knew that he was not in any danger so long as he was not forewarned. When he had been warned he avoided the danger by staying quietly in camp, or in some place of safety.

“Even after he had told me as much as this, Perico would not explain to me just how the ‘warning’ had come, until, at last, he said that ‘the stone’ had told him.

“This stone, he said, was a wonderful ‘anting-anting’ which had been in his family for many years. His father had given it to him, and his grandfather had given it to his father.

“Once, many, many years before, there had been an ancestor of his who had been famous through all the tribe for his goodness and wisdom. This man, when very old, had one day [202]taken shelter under a tree from a furious storm. While he was there fire from the sky had come down upon the tree, and when the storm was over the man was found dead. Grasped tightly in one of the dead man’s hands was found a small flat stone, smooth cut and polished, which no one of his family had ever seen him have before. Naturally the stone was looked upon as a precious ‘anting-anting,’ sent down from the sky, and was religiously watched until its mysterious properties were understood, and it was learned that it had the power to forewarn its owner against impending evil. When danger threatened its owner, Perico said, the stone glowed at night with a strange light which he believed was due to its celestial origin. At all other times it was a plain dull stone.

“The night before, for the first time in months, the stone had flashed forth its strange light; and as a result its owner would do nothing which would place him in any danger which he could avoid.

“I thought of all the strange stories I had [203]read and heard of meteors falling from the sky, and of phosphoric rocks, and of little known chemical elements which were mysteriously sensitive to certain atmospheric conditions, and wondered if Perico’s stone could be any of these. All my requests to be allowed to see the wonderful stone, however, proved fruitless, Perico was obdurate. There was a tradition that it must not be looked at by daylight, he said, and that the eyes of no one but its owner should gaze upon it.

“And so, for eight beautiful days of magnificent hunting weather, that aggravating heathen stone kept us idle there in the midst of the Mindoro forest. I could not go alone, and Perico simply would not go so long as the stone glowed at night, as, he informed me each morning, it had done. It was in vain that I fretted, and offered him twice, and four times, and, finally—with a desire to see how much in earnest the man really was—ten times his regular wages if he would go with me for just one hunt. He simply would not stir out of the camp, until, on the morning of[204]the ninth day, he met me with a cheerful face, and said, ‘Señor, we will hunt today. The stone is black once more.’

“And hunt we did,—that day, and many more—for the stone remained accommodatingly dark after that—and we had good luck, too.

“When I came back to Manila I brought Perico with me. He had begun to have serious trouble with one of his eyes, which threatened to render him unable to follow the work of hunting of which he was so fond. I tried to make him believe that this was the danger of which he claimed he had been warned by the stone, but he would not agree to this, saying that his ‘anting-anting’ always foretold only a violent death, or some serious bodily injury. In Manila I had him see that Jose Rizal who afterwards became so prominent in the political troubles of the islands, and who had such a tragic later history. Señor Rizal, who had studied in Europe, was a skillful oculist, and an operation which he performed on Perico’s eye was entirely successful. I kept the old [205]man with me until he was fully recovered, and then sent him back to his native island. Before he went, he thanked me over and over again for what I had done, and kept telling me that some time he would pay me for it all.

“I laughed at him, at first, not thinking what he meant, until, just before he was to go to the boat, he clasped my hand in both his, and said, ‘Señor, I have no children to leave the “anting anting” of my family to. When I die, it shall be yours.’

“I would have laughed again, then, had it not been that the poor old fellow was so much in earnest that it would have been cruel. As it was, I thanked him, and told him I hoped he would live many years to be the guardian of the stone, and to be guarded by it himself.

“After Perico had gone, I forgot all about him. Imagine my surprise, then, when a little more than a year afterward, I received a small packet from a man whom I knew in Calupan, the seaport of Mindoro, and a letter, telling me that my old guide was dead, and that during [206]the illness which had preceded his death he had arranged to have the packet which came with the letter sent to me.

“The package and letter reached me one morning. Of course I knew what Perico had sent me, and, foolish as it may seem, a bit of tenderness for the old man’s genuine faith in his talisman made me, mindful of his admonition that the stone must not be exposed to the light of day, restrain my curiosity to open the package until I was in my rooms that night. What I found, when at last I held the mysterious charm in my hands, was a smooth, dark, flint-like disc, about an inch and a half in diameter, and perhaps half an inch in thickness.

“Whatever the stone might have done for its former owners, or might do for me at some other time, it certainly had no errand to perform that night. It was just a plain, dark stone, and no matter how long I looked at it, or in what position, it did not change its appearance.[207]

“Finally, half provoked with myself at my thoughts, I put the stone into a little cabinet in which were other curious souvenirs of my travels in the islands, and forgot it.

“Two years after that it became necessary for me to go to Europe. I had taken passage on one of the regular steamers from Manila to Hong Kong, and was to reship from there. As I expected to return in a few months, I did not give up my lodgings, but before I started I packed away much of my stuff for safe keeping. As I was busy at the office during the day, I did the most of this packing in the evenings. In the course of this work I came to the little cabinet of which I have spoken, and threw it open in order to stuff it with cotton, so that the contents would not rattle about when moved.”

The man who was telling the story stopped at this point so long that we who sat there in the smoking room of the Club listening to him were afraid he was not going to continue. At last he said:—[208]

“This is the part of the story which I do not like to tell.

“On the black velvet lining of the cabinet, surrounded by the jumble of curios among which it had been tossed, lay old Perico’s stone,—not the plain, dark stone which I had put there, but a faintly glowing circle of lustrous light.

“I shut the lid of the cabinet down, locked the box, and put the key in my pocket. But I did no more packing that night. I came down here to the Club, and stayed as long as I could get anybody to stay with me, and talked of everything under the sun except the one thing which I was all the time thinking about.

“The next day I told myself I was a fool, and crazy into the bargain, and that my eyes had deceived me. And then, in spite of all this, when I went home at night I could hardly wait for dusk to come that I might open the cabinet.

“The stone lay on the velvet, just as the night before, as if it were a thing on fire![209]

“I said to myself that I would have some common sense, and would exercise my will power; and went on with my packing with furious energy. But I did not put the cabinet where I could not get at it.

“The boat for Hong Kong on which I had taken passage was to sail the next night. I finished my work, said good bye to my acquaintances, and went on board. Fifteen minutes before the steamer sailed I had my luggage tumbled from her deck back on to the wharf, and came ashore, swearing at myself for a fool, and knowing that I would be well laughed at and quizzed for my fickleness by every one who knew me.”

The man stopped again. After a little, one of the men who had been listening to him said, in a voice which sounded strangely softened:—

“I remember. That was the ——,” calling the name of a steamer which brought to us all the recollection of one of the most awful sea tragedies of those terrible tropic [210]waters, where sometimes sea and wind seem to be in league to buffet and destroy.

“Yes,” said the man who had told the story. “No person who sailed on board of her that night was ever seen again; and only bits of wreckage on one of the northern reefs gave any hint of her fate.”[213]

[Contents]

Pearls of Sulu

Now and then people comment upon the odd style of a charm which I wear upon my watch chain. The charm is a plain, gold sphere, and is, I acknowledge, a trifle too large to be in good taste.

If those who ask me about the charm are people whom I care to trust, I sometimes open the globe—it has a secret spring—and show them hidden away inside, a single pearl, so large and perfect that no one who has ever seen it has failed to marvel at its beauty. If they ask me why I wear so regal a gem, and where I got it, I tell them that I am not quite sure that the jewel is mine, and that if I ever find the person who seems to have a better right to it than I, I shall give it up. Meanwhile I like to wear the locket where I can sometimes look at the pearl, since it is a reminder of what I think was the strangest adventure I ever had in the Philippine Islands. And I had many queer experiences there during the years I have journeyed [214]up and down the archipelago in one capacity and another.

One summer when I was collecting specimens for a great European museum, I was living on the southeastern shore of the island of Palawan. Or rather I was living above, or beside the shore of the island; I don’t know which word would best describe the location of my house, which, however, one could hardly say was on the island.

The Moros who live on that side of the island which is washed by the Sulu Sea, and who ostensibly depend upon pearl fishing for a living, and really lived by their high-handed deeds of piracy against their neighbors and mankind in general, inhabit odd houses which are built on stout posts driven into the sand at the edge of the sea. The walls of the houses are woven of bamboo, and the roofs are thatched, like those of nearly all the native habitations, but the location is unique. When the tide is high, the surface of the water—fortunately the village is built over a sheltered bay—comes to within two feet beneath [215]the floors of the houses, and the inhabitants go ashore in cockle-shell boats. When the tide is low the foundation posts rise out of the mud and sand, and the people go inland on foot, dodging piles of seaweed and similar debris, left by the receding waves.

It was one of these houses that I hired, and in it set up my household belongings while I was at work in that part of Palawan.

The location had many advantages, for at that time I was principally engaged in collecting corals, sponges, shell fish and similar salt-water specimens. The natives brought me boat loads of such material, for once in their lives, at least, working for honest wages. I sorted over the stuff they brought, on a platform built out in front of my house, and disposed of the mass of refuse in the easiest way imaginable, merely by shoving it off the edge of the platform into the water, where the tide washed it out to sea.

Then, too, this keeping house over the water brought a blessed relief from the invasion of one’s home by snakes, rats, ants and [216]all the vermin of that kind which makes Philippine housekeeping on the land a burden to the flesh, while I did not foresee at first that the very water which protected me from these dangers might make possible the secret incursions of larger creatures. The disadvantage of this semi-marine style of architecture, as I looked at it, was that some night a big tidal wave might come along, chasing a frolicsome earthquake, and bearing my house and myself along with it, leave us hanging high and dry in the tops of some clump of palm trees half a dozen miles inland.

So far as the Moros were concerned, I got along all right with them. They knew, in the first place, that I had the authority of the Spanish government to do about what I chose in Palawan, and although they cared not one ripple of the Sulu Sea for the authority of Spain when it could not be enforced by force of arms, they did respect my arsenal of weapons and the skill with which I one day shot down a crazy “tulisane” of their tribe who had started to run amuck, and by the [217]shot saved the lives of no one knew how many of them. This, and my doctoring back to health two of their number who were ill, made us very good friends, and I could not have asked for more willing helpers, or more able, especially Poljensio.

It was not for many weeks after I had left Palawan for good, that I came to understand that Poljensio may have had a double reason for his willingness, which at the time I little suspected.

I remember very well the first time I saw the fellow. It was the day of the “macasla” festival. Up to that time I had found no Moro who would work steadily as my helper. Whatever men I hired, although satisfactory while they worked, would eventually have something else to do, either pearl fishing, or hunting, or long trips seaward in their proas, they said for fishing, but I thought, and found later I had thought rightly, for robbery. Even Poljensio used to claim time, now and then, when he said the conditions of the water and weather were favorable for finding pearl [218]oysters, to go and dive for those lottery-ticket-like bivalves.

To tell the truth I did not blame the men so very much for turning pirates, after I came really to understand the conditions connected with the pearl fisheries.

The pearl oysters live at the bottom of such deep water, and are so hard to get, that I have often seen a man come up from his search for them with blood running from his ears and nose, the result of staying down so long. Of course such things as divers’ suits, and air pumps, were unknown there. The men stripped their slim, brown bodies naked, and went over the side of the boat with no apparatus except their two hands and a sharp knife to use against the sharks. Sometimes the men never came back, and then we knew the knife had not been quick enough. Poljensio had a row of scars on one leg, where a shark had bitten him, years before, which made the leg look as if it had been between the bars of a giant’s broiling iron.

Then, after the forces of nature had been [219]overcome, as if they alone were not bad enough, the representatives of the government, the “Gobernadorcillo,” had to be reckoned with; and he was worse than all the rest.

The pearl fisheries of Palawan were the property of the Sultan of Sulu. At least up to that time that monarch had been able to maintain an ownership in them which allowed him to claim all of the pearls above a certain size. All that the divers got for their risk and labor were the small pearls and the shells. Fortunately for them most of the shells had a market value for cutting into cameos, and for inlay work, and the Chinese dealers who came to Palawan bought them, as well as the pearls.

It was the business of the “Gobernadorcillo” to watch the divers, and take from them all the pearls large enough to become the perquisite of the Sultan. The men were allowed to go out to the water over the oyster beds only on certain days, and then the Sultan’s representative went with them, and sat in his boat to keep watch that no shells were [220]opened there. After the boats had returned to the land every oyster shell was opened under his watchful eye, and every large pearl was claimed. Of course it was only rarely that an oyster held a pearl, more rarely still that the gem was a large one. When they did find a big one it always made me feel sorry to see the poor fellow, who had worked so hard for it, have to give the prize up to go, no doubt, to deck some one of the four hundred wives of the ruler who lived across the Sulu Sea.

Poljensio was one of the best of the divers. It was at the “macasla” festival, as I have said, that I first noticed him. For a month the natives had talked about “macasla,” and this, with what I had heard about it before, made me anxious to see the performance. So far as I knew I was the first American who had ever had the opportunity. It is only rarely that the festival can be kept, because its success depends upon the possession by the natives of the berries of a certain shrub, which must be in just such a stage of ripeness [221]to have the requisite power. The plant on which the berries grow is not at all common. In this case it was necessary to send a long way into a distant part of the island to get the berries.

The “macasla” festival is really a great fishing expedition, in which every man, woman and child who lives near the village where it is held takes part. The berries are the essential element in a great mass, composed of various ingredients mixed together; just the same as a bit of yeast put into a pan of bread leavens the whole lot. One very old man was said to be the only person near there who understood just how to make the mixture. A large log which had been hollowed out and used at one time for a canoe, was utilized as a trough to make the mixture in. The mass was mixed up in the afternoon and left to ferment overnight. When he had it ready the old man covered the canoe with banana leaves and forbade any one to go near it until the next morning. I saw several different kinds of vegetable substances crushed [222]up, to be put into the canoe, besides the berries; and at last a quantity of wood ashes were added.

The next morning every one was out early, as it was necessary to begin operations when the tide was at its very lowest point. Every one about the village was on hand, each person bringing a loosely woven wicker basket, into which was put a small quantity of the mixture from the old log canoe. When all had been provided with this they walked out as far as they could go, to where the tide was just turning. Then, waiting until the incoming water had passed them on its way inland, the natives, formed in a long line parallel with the shore, dropped their baskets into the water and shook them to and fro until all of the “macasla” had been washed out through the loose wicker work.

In about ten minutes the effect of the mixture began to be seen. The smaller fish were affected first, and began to come to the top of the water, as if for air. Very soon they were followed by the larger ones, and soon the [223]water seemed filled with them. They would come to the top of the water, turn on one side, flop about a little as if intoxicated, and then sink helplessly to the bottom, where, the water being nowhere very deep, it was easy to see them and capture them. The natives secured basket after basket full, getting some so large that they could not carry them in their baskets. These they would disable with a “machete” and then tow ashore. The fish did not eat the “macasla.” It seemed simply to have impregnated the water, making a solution too powerful for them to withstand. They were not killed by its effects, but acted as if they were drunk. Those which the natives did not capture soon recovered and swam away as briskly as ever. Before they were able to do this though, the natives had secured more than enough food to last them as long as it would remain eatable.

Of course I found the miscellaneous harvest of sea animals which the “macasla” brought in most interesting, and secured a good many valuable specimens. Inasmuch [224]as I had contributed very materially to the feast which was to take place that night, and which lasted all night long, the people let me wade about among the strangely helpless creatures and have a first pick of such as I wanted. I had noticed Poljensio running about, as one of the strongest and most agile of all the men in the water, and when he came near me once, when my basket was heavy, I offered to hire him to help me, although I had little idea that any one would work for wages at such a time. Quite to my surprise he seemed willing, and joined me in what I was doing. I learned afterwards that having no family to provide for he was not so much in need of profiting by the fish harvest as most of the men were. He had worked in the water all his life, and knew more about the habits of some of the creatures we caught than I did. When we came to go to my house, and he saw the specimens I had preserved there, he seemed to take a more intelligent interest in them than any other man I had ever had, and I was glad to be able to hire him to [225]work for me all of the time, barring the few days he reserved for pearl fishing.

The season which followed proved to be an unusually successful one for the divers. The crop of oysters was large, and many pearls were found. The gems which were to go to the Sultan were superb, and there would be enough of them to make a truly royal necklace.

One night about six months after the “macasla” festival I woke suddenly from a sound sleep, with that strange feeling which sometimes comes to one at night, that I was not alone. While I lay listening and peering into the darkness of the room in which I slept, I heard a soft splash in the water beneath me, such as a big fish might have made if he had come to the surface, and diving back had struck the water with his tail. It had been high tide soon after midnight, and the water was not more than three or four feet beneath me. I listened a long time, but could hear nothing more, and finally went to sleep again, deciding that the splash I had [226]heard had been made by a shark, and that some noise which he had made before that had been what had roused me.

Any further thought of my disturbance which I might have had was driven from my mind in the morning, when I came out and found the community in a state of violent commotion.

The “gobierno,” the house in which the “Gobernadorcillo” lived, had been robbed in the night, and a bag containing about half the Sultan’s pearls was gone. The government official, along with several other residents, lived on shore. The houses which, like mine, were built over the water, were generally inhabited by the divers and their families.

The voice of the “Gobernadorcillo” was not the only one raised in lamentation that morning, by any means, for he had very promptly begun a search for the missing jewels by beating his servants and every one connected with the official residence, within an inch of their lives. When this did not produce [227]the pearls he extended the process to such other unfortunate residents of the town as fell under his suspicion. I really think the only thing which kept him from killing a few of the wretches was the fear that he might by some chance include the thief in the number, and thus destroy all hope of getting back the stolen gems.

No man, woman or child was allowed to leave the village, and so thorough was the system by which one of those deputy tax collectors kept track of his people, that he knew every one by name, and knew just where each one should be found. His superiors required a certain sum of money from each tax collector. They did not care in the smallest degree where or how he got the money, but a certain amount he must turn in at stated times, or else be put in prison and have other unpleasant things done to him. So it stood the “Gobernadorcillo” in good stead to know who his people were, and where they were, and how much each person could be made to pay.

As soon as his arm was rested from the [228]beating he had given the suspected natives the official began a personal search of each house in the village. The native houses are so simple, and their stock of furniture so small, that it was no great task to make a thorough inspection of the entire place. What little furniture each house had was outside of it when the examination of that house was completed. It was fortunate for the people who lived in the houses built over the water that their homes were visited at low tide, for in the state of the examiner’s temper when he visited them I think their effects would have gone out into the sea just as quickly as they went out on to the sand.

Even my house came under the terms of the universal edict, although my things were not used so harshly as were those of the natives, which was fortunate for me, for I had hundreds of specimens packed, and many more ready to pack, which I should have been very sorry indeed to have had dumped out of doors.

My relations with the Governor had always [229]been pleasant. He really was quite as good a man as any one in his place could be expected to be. We had gotten along very well together, and I was glad now that this was so. When he came to my house he contented himself with looking through the part of the building where the native servant who cooked for me worked and lived. Poljensio slept at home, and spent only the daytime at my house. The search of that part of the establishment over, the worried official sat down in my work room to rest for a few minutes, cool himself off, and bewail the fate which had brought him such ill luck. Poljensio, who was washing sponges on the platform outside, and had for this reason not been at his brother’s house, where he slept, when that domicile was searched, was called in, and while his official master rested, was made to strip himself stark naked, and turn his few slight garments—the clothing of a Moro is always an uncertain quantity—inside out to show that nothing was hidden therein.

Knowing the place so well as I did, and the [230]means at the command of the “Gobernadorcillo,” I could not for the life of me see how any one who had stolen the pearls could keep them, or hide them, for that matter, unless they had been thrown back into the sea again.

So far as the governor himself was concerned he would not suffer from the loss. The yearly crop of pearls was not like the money tax, a stated sum, nor could the Sultan enforce his claims as did the Spanish government. His title to the fisheries was too slight for it to be policy for him to make trouble. Besides that, Sulu was so far away that its ruler might never hear that this year’s crop had been larger than usual. Not all the gems had been taken. The governor could turn over what had been left him, and it was not at all likely that any questions would be asked. In fact, if it had not been for his evident concern, which I did not believe him clever enough to have simulated, I would almost have believed he had stolen the pearls himself. He certainly was indefatigable in his attempts to find the missing property. [231]Not a native left the village for any purpose that his clothing and his boat, if he was going out upon the water, were not inspected.

My own stay in Palawan was nearly ended at the time, and it was not long after that before I had completed my collections, packed my specimens, and was ready to go. Poljensio had agreed to go with me as far as Manila, to handle my freight and baggage, and to help me there about repacking and shipping my specimens. On my going to Europe he was to return to Palawan.

When I was ready to go, and had my luggage in shape to be sent on board the sail boat which was to take me to a port visited by the monthly steamer to Manila, I wondered if the “Gobernadorcillo” would let me go. He proved very obliging, however, shook hands, and hoped I would have a pleasant voyage. Poljensio, though, had to submit to the usual ordeal of having his clothing searched. Luggage he had none, so he was not troubled in that respect.[232]

I had planned to stop in Hong Kong a month on my way to Europe. On the morning of the day that I was to leave there I was surprised to receive a package by one of the local English expresses of the city, and more surprised to find that the package contained a small box of specimens which had been missing when I had repacked my property at Manila. The specimens in this box were particularly choice ones, and their loss had been as annoying as it had been unaccountable. The pleasure which I felt in getting them back, though, was nothing compared to my amazement when I found along with the package another small one containing a letter from Poljensio.

The letter, if I had chosen to put it among my specimens, would have ranked, I am sure, among the greatest curiosities of the whole collection. Poljensio was not a scholar. His accomplishments lay in the line of diving and swimming; in gathering pearls, and such things as that. He never would have wasted his time in struggling with pen and paper, [233]now, if the nature of the correspondence had not been such that he could not safely entrust it to any one else; and the full comprehension of the remarkable document, written in the mingled native and Spanish languages, with which he had favored me, was not vouchsafed to me at the first reading, or the second.

Translated, and made as nearly coherent as possible, it ran about like this:

“I stole the pearls. I only took half, so not too much” (scrimmage, fuss, row, trouble,—the native word he used meant no one of these exactly, and yet included them all) “would be made. I was tired of working so hard, and the sharks, and not getting anything for it but shells. I made up my mind I would do it soon after I went to work for you. I went diving after that only that I be not suspected. I knew all of us native people would be searched, but I thought he would pass you by. So that night, after I had got the pearls, I swam out to your house, climbed up through the floor, and hid the bag in a place where I would know. Then, one day, [234]when I packed a fine big shell, I hid the bag in it, and marked the box. When we got to Manila I stole the box. I sorrow to make you this bad time, but have no other way. I take good care of box, though, after I take pearls out, to bring it here with me, and now I send it back. I sell all the pearls here but one, to China merchant, for money enough to make me always a rich man. I don’t think I go back to Palawan. One pearl I save back, and send you with this letter, to remember by it Poljensio.”

That was what was in the package with the letter. The pearl he had saved; this one which I wear.

As I said in the first place, I am ready give it up when I can find a man who has a better claim to it than I have. My right of ownership in the gem is not, I confess, very substantial; but whose is it?

It was not the “Gobernadorcillo’s,” for he was only an agent; and besides that he left Palawan not long after I did, as I have found [235]out by inquiry, and I cannot learn where he now is.

The Sultan of Sulu who reigned then is dead, and if the gem belonged to him it did not belong to his successor; for the friends of the first ruler declared that the man who gained the throne after him was a false claimant. Should I send it to the dead man’s heirs? He had no son, and one can hardly divide one pearl among four hundred widows.

Only Poljensio is left, and his claim, even if I could find him, I fear would be counted hardly legal. Quite likely he would not take it back, even if I found him; and sometimes, when I reflect upon what would probably have happened to me if the bag of stolen pearls had been found by any chance in my house, I am not sure that I should feel like offering the gem to him.

[236]

[Contents]

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A Great American Novel of the Civil War.

THE GRAPES OF WRATH.

A Tale of North and South.

BY MARY HARRIOTT NORRIS,

Author of The Gray House of the Quarries, etc.

12mo, doth, decorative, with six full-page illustrations by H. T. Carpenter.$1.50

A really great American novel of the Civil War, which will appeal with equal force to-day to the Southern as well as to the Northern reader. The title is, of course, suggested by Mrs. Howe’s line,—

“He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored.”

 

The story is developed from the fortunes, amid the vicissitudes of war, of an old New Jersey family, one son of which had settled in Virginia, becoming a general in Lee’s army. There is little fighting and no cheap heroics in the book, but it gives a clearer picture and a more intimate and impressive understanding of what the great struggle really meant to Unionist and to Confederate alike than many a military history.

---

 

A Romance of the Iowa Wheat Fields.

THE ROAD TO RIDGEBY’S.

BY FRANK BURLINGAME HARRIS.

12mo, cloth, decorative.$1.50

A simple but powerful story of farm life in the great West, which cannot fail to make a lasting impression on every reader. In this book Mr. Harris has done for the wheat fields what Mr. Westcott has done for rural New York and Mr. Bacheller for the North country. It is in no way imitative of David Harum or Eben Holden; and, unlike each of these books, it is not in the portrayal of a single quaint character that its power consists. Mr. Harris has taken for his story a typical Iowa farmer’s family and their neighbours; and, although every one of the characters is realistically portrayed, the sense of proportion is never lost sight of, and the result is a picture of real life, artistic in the highest sense, as being true to nature. It is a wholesome story, full of the real heroism of homely life, a book to make the reader better by strengthening his belief in the truth of self-sacrifice and the survival of sturdy American character.[237]

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A Remarkable Study of Social Life in America.

DIFFERENCES

BY HERVEY WHITE.

12mo, cloth, decorative, 320 pages.$1.50

“It is treating the poor as a class and employing any method of handling them that I object to…. Why can’t they be treated as individuals, the same as other people? What would the rich think of my impertinence if I went about the world treating them in a peculiar manner,—as if they were not real people, at all, but only ‘the rich,’ in my knowledge? ”—Hester Carr, in Differences.

“Difference is an extraordinary book…. The labor question is its primary concern, and the caste barrier which modern conditions have erected between the man who works and the man who merely lives. This is no new theme, yet Differences is new, and its place in thoughtful literature awaits it. The only argument presented by Mr. White is contained in the picture he spreads before us. It is real, and set out with bold, firm strokes, and there is no attempt to be merely artistic. Genevieve Radcliffe, the rich society girl, who goes to work charity with the poor, and John Wade, the workman, whose situation involves all the tragedy of metropolitan poverty, are human, if they be not typical. They embody the ‘differences’, and, if they do not point the way to equality, it is because American civilization is not yet ripe for them. Withal, the book is not a tract. It is worth a thousand such. Informed throughout with a tender simplicity, a sense of the beauty of common things, and a sincerity that brooks no question, it carries equal appeal to the student of economics and to the lover of human feeling.”—Philadelphia North American.

“There is no end of philosophy in books about the poor and how to reach them and send rays of sunshine into their world; but few books get at the real ‘Differences’ that exist between the wealthy classes and the poor as does Mr. Hervey White…. Difference is vitally interesting, both as a story and as a moral lesson…. It is written with wholesome enthusiasm and an intelligent survey of real facts.”—Boston Herald.

“The method employed by Mr. Hervey White in Differences is not like that of any author I have ever read in the English language. It resembles strongly the work of the best Russian novelists, it seems to me, and particularly that of Dostolevsky, and yet it is in no sense an imitation of those writers: it is apparently like them merely because the author’s motives and ways of thought and observation are like them…. I have never before read any such treatment in the English language of the life and thought of laboring people.”—Joseph Edgar Chamberlin, in Boston Transcript.

[238]

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A Powerful Realistic Novel of American Life.

QUICKSAND

By HERVEY WHITE.

12mo, cloth, decorative, 328 pages.$1.50

Quicksand is a strong argument against a certain condition which the author believes exists too generally in American society, and is, in effect, an appeal for the freedom of the individual in family life. It is a powerful tragedy, developing very naturally out of the effects of the interference of parents in the lives of their children, and of brothers and sisters in the affairs of each other. It becomes therefore, not only the story of an individual, but the life history of an entire family, the members of which are portrayed with astonishing vividness and realism. The hero of the book also illustrates, in his sufferings and failures, the unfortunate effects of a too narrow orthodoxy in religion, coupled with his family’s interference with his growth out of this environment. Offsetting the tragedy of the story is “Hiram,” the “hired man” of the family in its earlier New England days, in whom, particularly, the reader’s interest will centre. Patient, kindly, faithful, and uncomplaining, he is indeed the real “hero” of the tale, the only one free from the unfortunate environments of the other characters, yet forced indirectly to suffer also because of them. It is the every-day life of the every-day family that is drawn; and this fact, together with the boldness and fidelity of the drawing, gives the story its power and impressiveness.

“Hervey White is the most forceful writer who has appeared in America for a long generation.”—Chicago Evening Post.

“We cannot remember another book in which lives, thoughts, emotions, souls, and principles of action have been analyzed with such convincing power. Mr. Hervey White has great literary skill. He has here made his mark, and he has come to stay…. He is the American George Gissing, and as such some day he will have to be taken into account.”—Boston Herald.

“It should insure Mr. White a permanent place in the critical regard of his fellow-countrymen…. Few characters as strong as that of Elizabeth Hinckley have ever been drawn by an American author, and she will remain in the mind of the most assiduous novel reader, secure of a place far above that held by most of the puny creations of the day.”—Chicago Tribune.

“It is wrought of enduring qualities. Few novels are so sustained on an elevated plane of interest.”—Philadelphia Item.

“It is a novel that takes hold of one, and is not the sort of book that, once begun, can be laid down without being finished.”—Indianapolis News.

 

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[239]

Two Notable Novels by Emma Rayner.

VISITING THE SIN

A Tale of Mountain Life In Kentucky and Tennessee.

12mo, cloth, with cover designed by T. W. Ball. 448 pages.$1.50

The struggle between the heroine’s love and her determination to visit the sin upon the son of the supposed murderer of her father forms the basis of the story. All of the characters are vividly drawn, and the action of the story is wonderfully dramatic and lifelike. The period is about 1875.

“A powerful, well-sustained story, the interest in which does not flag from the first chapter to the last.”—Philadelphia North American.

“Unusually powerful. The dramatic plot is intricate, but not obscure.”—The Congregationalist.

“A graphic and readable piece of fiction, which will stand with the best of its time concerning humble American characters.”—Providence Journal.

“Far ahead of most of these latter-day Southern novels.”—Southern Star.

“The people in the story are persistently real.”—Christian Advocate.

 

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FREE TO SERVE

A Tale of Colonial New York.

12mo, cloth, with a cover designed by Maxfield Parrish. 434 pages.$1.50

“One of the very best stories of the Colonial period yet written,”—Philadelphia Bulletin.

“We have here a thorough-going romance of American life in the first days of the eighteenth century. It is a story written for the story’s sake, and right well written, too. Indians, Dutch, Frenchmen, Puritans, all play a part. The scenes are vivid, the incidents novel and many.”—The Independent.

“The writing is cleverly done, and the old-fashioned atmosphere of old Knickerbocker days is reproduced with such a touch of verity as to seem an actual chronicle recorded by one who lived in those days.”—Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia.

“The supreme test of a long book is the reading of it, and when one reaches the end of Free to Serve, he acknowledges freely that it is the best book that he has taken up for a long time,”—Boston Herald.

[240]

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An Irish Love Story of 1848.

MONONIA.

BY JUSTIN McCARTHY, M.P.,

Author of A History of Our Own Times, Dear Lady Disdain, etc. 12mo, green cloth and gold.$1.50

Mr. McCarthy has written several successful novels; but none, perhaps, will have greater interest for his American readers than this volume, in which he writes reminiscently of the Ireland of his youth and the stirring events which marked that period. It is pre-eminently an old-fashioned novel, befitting the times which it describes, and written with the delicate touch of sentiment characteristic of Mr. McCarthy’s fiction. The book takes its name from the heroine, a charming type of the gentle-born Irish-woman. In the development of the romance, the attempts for Ireland’s freedom, and the dire failures that culminated at Ballingary, are told in a manner which give an intimate insight into the history of the Young Ireland movement. If the book cannot be considered autobiographical, the reader will not forget that the author was contemporary with the events described, and will have little difficulty in perceiving that many of the principal characters are strongly suggestive of the Irish leaders of that day, which gives the book scarcely less value than an avowed autobiography.

“Mononia is drawn with all Mr. McCarthy’s ancient skill.” London Outlook.

“Beautiful in every sense is this ‘Mononia.’ It is a work that we could expect from no other author, for it is largely reminiscent. So, besides its attractiveness as a romance, the book is attractive as an informal historical document. Read in either of these lights, it will be found delightful.”—Boston Journal.

“Altogether a good story…. Mononia is full of beauty, tenderness, and that sweet and wholesome common sense which is so refreshing when found in a woman.”—The Pilot (Boston).

“The description of the affection of Mononia and Philip is a piece of literary splendor.”—Boston Courier.

“For those who would reject its historical and autobiographic phase, there remains the old-fashioned love romance, full of fine Irish spirit, which is always refreshing.”—Mail and Express.

[241]

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TUSKEGEE: ITS STORY & ITS WORK

By MAX BENNETT THRASHER

With an Introduction by BOOKER T. WASHINGTON 12mo, cloth, decorative, 248 pages, 50 Illustrations,$1.00

THE TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE, at Tuskegee, Alabama, is one of the most uniquely interesting institutions in America. Begun, twenty years ago, in two abandoned, tumble-down houses, with thirty untaught Negro men and women for its first students, it has become one of the famous schools of the country, with more than a thousand students each year. Students and teachers are all of the Negro race. The Principal of the school, Mr. Booker T. Washington, is the best-known man of his race in the world to-day.

In “Tuskegee: Its Story and its Work,” the story of the school is told in a very interesting way. He has shown how Mr. Washington’s early life was a preparation for his work. He has given a history of the Institute from its foundation, explained the practical methods by which it gives industrial training, and then he has gone on to show some of the results which the institution has accomplished. The human element is carried through the whole so thoroughly that one reads the book for entertainment as well as for instruction.

COMMENTS.

“All who are interested in the proper solution of the problem in the South should feel deeply grateful to Mr. Thrasher for the task which he has undertaken and performed so well.”—Booker T. Washington.

“Should be carefully and thoughtfully read by every friend of the colored race in the North as well as in the South,”—New York Times.

“The book is of the utmost value to all those who desire and hope for the development of the Negro race in America.”—Louisville Courier-Journal.

“Almost every question one could raise in regard to the school and its work, from Who was Booker Washington? to What do people whose opinion is worth having think of Tuskegee? is answered in this book.”—New Bedford Standard.

 

For sale at all Bookstores, or sent, postpaid, on receipt of price, by the publishers,

Small Maynard & Company, Boston.

Review from the New York Times, published July 13, 1901:

Filipino Stories.

The anting anting is both talisman and fetich: it is the Filipino version of good medicine, and it combines in its poor little self attached to precious stones, to witches’ charms, and to the gifts of the Grecian gods. Mr. Sargent Kayme’s “Anting-Anting” stories describe certain of its works and acts, and give the native Filipino of unmixed blood a place in American fiction. He is about as agreeable as the North American Indian, and represents as many shades of savagery as lie between the Iroquois and the Thlinkit. but he is new, and his wickedness is of a new flavor; his honor, such as it is, is of a new color; his ambition is of another quality, and such enlightenment as he has received from the white man differs in every way from that received by the Eastern Indians from the French and the English. Mr. Kayme tells eleven stories of him, and tells them cleverly, with no attempt to imitate Mr. Kipling, but suiting his style to his subject, and his small volume is excellent reading. The American element introduced is sometimes military, sometimes scientific, but the Filipino has the chief place, and much may be expected from him. The curious in these matters will desire to compare him with Mr. Wildman’s Malays of the peninsula rather than with the tribes of the Indian Empire, but it should be remembered that the United States hold him in trust, and unless they wish to feel once more the bitter self-reproach with which they regard their treatment of the Indian they must learn to understand him.

Anting-Anting Stories. By Sargent Kayme. Pp. vi.–235. Boston: Messrs. Small, Maynard & Co. $1.50.

 

Also reviewed by Alexander F. Chamberlain in the The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 14, No. 54 (Jul.–Sep., 1901), p. 215.

Sargent Kayme is a pseudonym.

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2103 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2078 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2078#respond Tue, 01 Oct 2013 11:17:41 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2078 Philippine American War – Advance of Kansas Volunteers at Caloocan by Thomas A. Edison; 5 June 1899

From LibraryOfCongress, Washinton D.C.

 

Comment by Mandirigma.org: At the time of this production, film was a brand new medium. This Film by Thomas Edison shows Filipino Freedom Fighters defending their country against  American Invaders. However the director portrays the Filipinos as “Rebels” and the Americans as defenders of “Freedom” and “Liberty” who overcome the “Insurgents”.

 

 

 

SUMMARY
From Edison films catalog: From the thick underbrush where the Filipinos are massed comes volley after volley. They are making one of those determined stands that marks Caloocan as the bloodiest battle of the Filipino rebellion. Suddenly, with impetuous rush, Funston’s men appear. They pause but for a moment, to fire, reload and fire. The color bearer falls, but the standard is caught up by brave Sergeant Squires and waves undaunted in the smoke and din of the receding battle. This is one of the best battle pictures ever made. The first firing is done directly toward the front of the picture, and the advance of the U.S. troops apparently through the screen is very exciting; the gradual disappearance of the fighters sustaining the interest to the end. 65 feet. $9.75.

NOTES
Copyright: Thomas A. Edison; 5June1899; 37443.

Original main title lacking.

Reenacted by the New Jersey National Guard.

Materials listed originate from the paper print chosen best copy of two for digitization; for other holdings on this title, contact M/B/RS reference staff.

Edison code name (for telegraphic orders): Unbroached.

MAVIS 47087; Advance of Kansas Volunteers at Caloocan.

Reenacted May 1899 in the Orange Mountains near West Orange, New Jersey.

Sources used: Copyright catalog, motion pictures, 1894-1912; Musser, C. Edison motion pictures 1890-1900, 1997; Niver, K.R. Early motion pictures, 1985; Edison films catalog, no. 94, March 1900, p. 4 [MI]; Edison films catalog, no. 105, July 1901, p. 30 [MI].

SUBJECTS
United States.–Army.–Kansas Volunteer Infantry Regiment, 20th.
Philippines–History–Philippine American War, 1899-1902–Battlefields.
Battles–Philippines.
Soldiers.
Revolutionaries–Philippines.
Funston, Frederick,–1865-1917–Military leadership.
Battle casualties–Philippines.
Flags–United States.
War films.
Historical reenactments (Motion pictures)
Short films.
Silent films.
Nonfiction films.

RELATED NAMES
White, James H. (James Henry), production.
New Jersey. National Guard.
Thomas A. Edison, Inc.
Paper Print Collection (Library of Congress)

CALL NUMBER
FEC 2820 (ref print)
FPE 9628 (dupe neg)
FPE 9135 (masterpos)
LC 973a (paper pos)

DIGITAL ID
sawmp 0973 http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mbrsmi/sawmp.0973

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2078 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1902 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1902#respond Mon, 05 Aug 2013 21:35:19 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1902 Massive balangay ‘mother boat’ unearthed in Butuan By TJ DIMACALI,GMA News

The largest sailing vessel of its kind yet discovered is being unearthed in Butuan City in Mindanao, and it promises to rewrite Philippine maritime history as we know it.

Estimated to be around 800 years old, the plank vessel may be centuries older than the ships used by European explorers in the 16th century when they first came upon the archipelago later named after a Spanish king, Las Islas Felipenas.

Continue at: http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/321334/scitech/science/massive-balangay-mother-boat-unearthed-in-butuan

The find also underscores theories that the Philippines, and Butuan in particular, was a major center for cultural, religious, and commercial relations in Southeast Asia.

‘Nails’ the size of soda cans

National Museum archeologist Dr. Mary Jane Louise A. Bolunia, who leads the research team at the site, says almost everything about the newly-discovered “balangay” is massive.She holds up her hand and curls her fingers into a circle, as if grasping a soda can. “That’s just one of the treenails used in its construction,” Bolunia says.

An aptly descriptive term, a “treenail” is a wooden peg or dowel used in place of iron nails in boatbuilding.

So with “nails” that size, exactly how big is this boat?

Dr. Bolunia produces a piece of onionskin paper with a carefully-inked map of the archeological site. On the upper corner is a roughly pea pod-shaped boat wreck, about 15 meters long, one of nine similarly-sized balangays discovered at the site since the 1970′s.

But right next to it, discovered only in 2012, are what seem to be the remains of another balangay so wide that it could easily fit the smaller craft into itself twice over – and that’s just the part that’s been excavated so far.

Although the boat has yet to be fully excavated, it’s estimated to be at least 25 meters long.

Aside from the treenails, the individual planks alone are each as broad as a man’s chest – roughly twice the width of those used in other balangays on the site. The planks are so large that they can no longer be duplicated, because there are no more trees today big enough to make boards that size, according to Dr. Bolunia.

Proceeding with caution

Historians, and Bolunia herself, caution that much work still needs to be done before the boat can be conclusively dated and identified.”(The newly-discovered boat) will need more technical verification to establish its connection and relationship with the other boats already excavated, so that we can know its date, boat typology, and technology,” said Dr. Maria Bernadette L. Abrera, professor and chairperson of the Department of History at the University of the Philippines-Diliman, in an email interview.

“We have to be careful,” said Ramon Villegas, a scholar who has done extensive research on pre-colonial Philippine history. “There has not been enough time to study (the artifacts). It could be a Spanish boat or Chinese junk.”

Aside from carbon dating to determine the age of the wood, the construction techniques used and even the type of wood itself need to be ascertained before anyone can come to a definitive conclusion.

“Everything depends on the construction, on how the boat was built, before you can properly call it a ‘balangay’,” explains archeologist and anthropologist Dr. Jesus Peralta. He said he has yet to see the newfound boat for himself.

Nevertheless, the boat’s proximity to previous sites of buried balangays promises to send ripples through the academic world.

“It’s a ‘mother boat’,” Dr. Bolunia says with little hesitation, “and it’s changing the way we think about ancient Filipino seafarers.”

Rewriting Philippine history

It has long been established that Filipinos traveled across Southeast Asia as early as the 10th century, reaching as far as Champa – what is now the eastern coast of Vietnam – in groups of balangays.

These groups or flotillas have always been thought to consist of similarly-sized small vessels, an idea perpetuated by the term “barangay” – the smallest administrative division of the present-day Philippine government.

But, according to Dr. Bolunia, this new discovery suggests that these may just have been support vessels for a much larger main boat, where trade goods and other supplies were likely to have been held for safekeeping.

The discovery also suggests that seafaring Filipinos were much more organized and centralized than previously thought.

Butuan as a major center of culture and trade

“This balangay reinforces the findings of the earlier excavations about the role of Butuan as a commercial and population center in precolonial Philippines,” Abrera told GMA News.”Butuan seaport had long-time trade links with Champa and Guandong (China). You can retrace the importance of (the newly-discovered boat) by utilizing it as an archeological key to that period when Butuan was a busy link to the pan-Asian cultural and commercial intercourse,” historian Arnold M. Azurin told GMA News via Facebook chat.

In fact, Filipino seafarers were already exploring Asia over a thousand years ago, well ahead of our Chinese neighbors: as early as 1001, the Song Dynasty recorded the arrival of a diplomatic mission from the “Kingdom of Butuan.”

“In 1003 AD, a Butuan chieftain petitioned the Chinese Imperial Court to allow it to bring its products direct to Guandong—instead of using Champa as the entrepôt (main trading post),” Azurin added.

However, according to Azurin, the petition was declined because the Court insisted on regulating trade via Champa.

He also says that Butuan may also have played a major role in the spread of culture and religion in the Philippines long before Christianity and even Islam came to the islands.

“The boat’s possible deeper significance is that it may be one of the carriers of Hindu-Buddhist cultural influence in the Philippine Archipelago long before Islam and Christianity arrived here. Many scholars also say that the baybayin script arrived here through the same connection with Champa. Hence, you can deepen the cultural legacy of our ancestors,” Azurin said.

Older than Magellan and Jung He

While the newfound boat has yet to be accurately dated, its construction and position directly alongside a balangay from the 1200′s strongly suggest that it is also a balangay from the same time period.

If so, then the boat predates by hundreds of years Magellan’s arrival, and death, in the Philippines in 1521 and even the Chinese explorer Zheng He’s expedition across Asia in 1400.

“For more than a thousand years, the trade and settlement patterns and routes across Asia connected certain islands (of the Philippines), especially those with good harbors and steady supply of local products,” Azurin said.”Highly interesting is the mention of slaves-for-sale in (Magellan’s chronicler) Pigafetta’s account of the first circumnaviation: Raja Humabon boasted to Magellan that some boatloads of slaves had just left Cebu for Cambodia and Champa—likely in need of warm bodies for their wars of succession, or for new stonecutters for their megalithic shrines,” he added.

Could Filipino craftsmen have been deployed from Butuan to build ancient Asian monuments, like Angkor Wat?

“That’s a possible conjecture, considering that archeologists like Robert Fox, H. Otley Beyer and others have pointed out that some islands in southern Philippines had communities linked to (these places),” he said.

Continuing a seaworthy tradition

In any case, the “mother boat” and the  smaller balangays in Butuan were definitely made for exploring the high seas, according to Dr. Bolunia.

She says their overall shape and construction are suited to navigating deep ocean waters more than shallow rivers. The presence of a quarter rudder and sails would also indicate a sea-going vessel, although these have yet to be found, Dr. Bolunia says.

“That’s especially true for a boat this size,” she says of the giant balangay.

Even today, the Sama-Badjao of Sulu still practice boatbuilding techniques that are strikingly similar to those used in constructing the Butuan boats.

In 2010, replica balangays built by Sama-Badjao craftsmen and manned by Filipino adventurers completed a 14,000-km journey across Southeast Asia, proving the seaworthiness of the original balangays and the traditional woodcraft used to construct them.

One of the boats, the 15-meter-long “Diwata ng Lahi,” is now on permanent display outside the National Museum in Manila.

Textual evidence of large boats

Villegas believes it was only a matter of time before a boat of this size was found, pointing out the historical accounts about similarly grand Filipino vessels.

For example, Pigafetta also documented the existence of a boat fit for a king: “We saw come two long boats, which they call Ballanghai, full of men. In the largest of them was their king sitting under an awning of mats,” he wrote.

Native boats “intended for cargo capacity or seagoing raids” could be “as long as 25 meters,” said noted historian Dr. William Henry Scott in his book, “Barangay: Sixteenth-Century Philippine Culture and Society“.

Scott also hinted at the existence of even more impressive vessels: “The most celebrated Visayan vessel was the warship called karakoa, (which) could mount forty (meter-long oars) on a side.”

“The care and technique with which (Filipinos) build them makes their ships sail like birds, while ours are like lead in comparison,” Scott quoted a Spanish priest as having written in 1667.

However, no large Filipino vessels have been discovered and excavated – until now, if the Butuan “mother boat” is indeed of ancient origins.

“Historians have always known there were other (large) boats. We should expect to find big boats because (we know) they existed,” Villegas said.

“It’s just that the National Museum only now has the funds to do the excavations. There’s a lot to be found even just in Butuan,” he added.

Lingering mysteries of Butuan

Dr. Bolunia and her team plan to return to Butuan in September to complete the excavation, and hopefully to date the massive new find.

They also plan to take a core sample from the ground in the hopes of answering one of the biggest mysteries surrounding the Butuan balangays.

Dr. Bolunia explains that the archeological site, although now inland, was once an alcove that opened out to the sea. She says that all the balangays were found ”drydocked” on what was once the Butuan seashore.

That the vessels were so well preserved is largely because they were buried intact, and the submergence of the area over succeeding centuries kept the wood from decaying.

But exactly how did the Butuan balangays get buried there in the first place?

Dr. Bolunia says there are two competing theories: either the boats were intentionally buried, or they were left behind after a sudden cataclysm  – such as a landslide from an earthquake.

If the boats were purposely abandoned, why did the builders take the trouble of burying them? But, on the other hand, where is the evidence of any natural calamity that might have befallen the boats and their builders?

These are among the many remaining questions that face probers of the Philippines’ ancient past. If Dr. Bolunia’s hunches are correct about the latest find in Butuan, the mother boat could be the key to unlocking answers about how our Filipino ancestors lived, explored, and fought.  — with Howie Severino/ELR, GMA News

Original article at: http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/321334/scitech/science/massive-balangay-mother-boat-unearthed-in-butuan

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1902 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1993 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1993#respond Thu, 01 Aug 2013 22:06:27 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1993 Emilio Aguinaldo filmed with actor Douglas Fairbanks, Philippines, 1931

In 1931 Douglas Fairbanks went on a trip to Asia, and made a comic travelogue entitled “Around the World in 80 Minutes”. The clip from the Philippines included a short speech in Spanish by Emilio Aguinaldo.

Fairbanks was a movie producer and actor in silent films. He co-founded the American film studio United Artists and hosted the first Oscars Ceremony in 1929.

La calidad del audio deja mucho que desear, pero me parece que el Sr. Aguinaldo dijo:
“Os participo de que he dado la bienvenida a nuestro gran actor (?Douglas Fairbanks) de America. Por la misma razón espero que esta visita que nos ha dignado dicho gran actor,(???), estrechará más la armonía entre americanos y filipinos”

Una traducción literal: I have given welcome to our great actor, Douglas Fairbanks, from America. For the same reason, I hope that this visit by this great actor, who has humbled himself to us, will develop greater harmony between Americans and Filipinos.

 

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1993 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2029 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2029#respond Sun, 21 Jul 2013 21:09:45 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2029

Cordillera People’s Flag – Igorot Autonomous Region – Northern Philippines

Explanation of the flag
The Cordillera people are 7 interior people native to Cordillera mountains which stretch from North Borneo all the way to Luzon Island. The flag has 8 lances: 7 which represent the 7 interior people and 1 which represents the Tagalog people. The flag is also used with the letters CPDF in black under the emblem when it is used as the flag of the Cordillera People’s Democratic Front.

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2029 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2002 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2002#respond Sun, 21 Jul 2013 19:41:37 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2002

Book review: Why is baybayin relevant today?

Text and photo by IME MORALES

If you think that baybayin, or the alibata, as it has come to be known in recent times, is simply our Filipino ancestors’ way of writing, then the contents of “Baybayin Atbp.: Mga Pag-aaral at Pagpapayaman ng Kulturang Pilipino” (Teresita B. Obusan, Raymond M. Cosare, and Minifred P. Gavino) will awaken your curiosity and, hopefully, your spirit. It is true, first of all, that baybayin is the indigenous writing form invented by our great grandfathers. But it is also true that it is much more than that.

During a September 28 lecture organized by UP Tomo-Kai in Palma Hall, UP Diliman, social worker and writer Dr. Teresita B. Obusan said that the baybayin is a symbol of our culture and a means to study and understand mysticism. She explained, “We did not copy this. It was created by our ancestors and it becomes us.”

In the booklet, which was printed earlier this year and written in the vernacular, she writes: “Baybayin is a gift from heaven, given to us through our ancestors; it is a legacy for the Filipino people… and it is our responsibility to take care of it and nurture it.”

 

Article continues at: http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/278915/lifestyle/reviews/book-review-why-is-baybayin-relevant-today

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2002 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1815 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1815#respond Sun, 09 Jun 2013 19:48:47 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1815 Imprinting Andres Bonifacio: The Iconization from Portrait to Peso by The Malacañan Palace Library

 

The face of the Philippine revolution is evasive, just like the freedom that eluded the man known as its leader.

 

The only known photograph of Andres Bonifacio is housed in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain. Some say that it was taken during his second wedding to Gregoria de Jesus in Katipunan ceremonial rites. It is dated 1896 from Chofre y Cia (precursor to today’s Cacho Hermanos printing firm), a prominent printing press and pioneer of lithographic printing in the country, based in Manila. The faded photograph, instead of being a precise representation of a specific historical figure, instead becomes a kind of Rorschach test, liable to conflicting impressions. Does the picture show the President of the Supreme Council of the Katipunan as a bourgeois everyman with nondescript, almost forgettable features? Or does it portray a dour piercing glare perpetually frozen in time, revealing a determined leader deep in contemplation, whose mind is clouded with thoughts of waging an armed struggle against a colonial power?

Perhaps a less subjective and more fruitful avenue for investigation is to compare and contrast this earliest documented image with those that have referred to it, or even paid a curious homage to it, by substantially altering his faded features.

This undated image of Bonifacio offers the closest resemblance to the Chofre y Cia version. As attested to by National Scientist Teodoro A. Agoncillo and the National Historical Commission of the Philippines, it is the image that depicts the well-known attribution of Bonifacio being of sangley (or Chinese) descent. While nearly identical in composition with the original, this second image shows him with a refined–even weak–chin, almond-shaped eyes, a less defined brow, and even modified hair. The blurring of his features, perhaps the result of the image being timeworn, offers little room for interjection.

In contrast, the next image dating from a February 8, 1897 issue of La Ilustración Española y Americana, a Spanish-American weekly publication, features a heavily altered representation of Bonifacio at odds with the earlier depiction from Chofre y Cia.

This modification catered to the Castilian idea of racial superiority, and to the waning Spanish Empire’s shock–perhaps even awe?–over what they must have viewed at the time as indio impudence. Hence the Bonifacio in this engraving is given a more pronounced set of features–a more prominent, almost ruthless jawline, deep-set eyes, a heavy, furrowed brow and a proud yet incongruously vacant stare. Far from the unassuming demeanor previously evidenced, there is an aura of unshakable, even obstinate, determination surrounding the revolutionary leader who remained resolute until his last breath. Notice also that for the first (although it would not be the last) time, he is formally clad in what appears to be a three-piece suit with a white bowtie–hardly the dress one would expect, given his allegedly humble beginnings.

Given its printing, this is arguably the first depiction of Bonifacio to be circulated en masse. The same image appeared in Ramon Reyes Lala’s The Philippine Islands, which was published in 1899 by an American publishing house for distribution in the Philippines.

The records of both the Filipinas Heritage Library and the Lopez Museum reveal a third, separate image of Bonifacio which appears in the December 7, 1910 issue of El Renacimiento Filipino, a Filipino publication during the early years of the American occupation.

El Renacimiento Filipino portrays an idealized Bonifacio, taking even greater liberties with the Chofre y Cia portrait. There is both gentrification and romanticization at work here. His receding hairline draws attention to his wide forehead–pointing to cultural assumptions of the time that a broad brow denotes a powerful intellect–and his full lips are almost pouting. His cheekbones are more prominent and his eyes are given a curious, lidded, dreamy, even feminine emphasis, imbuing him with an air of otherworldly reserve–he appears unruffled and somber, almost languid: more poet than firebrand.

It is difficult to imagine him as the Bonifacio admired, even idolized, by his countrymen for stirring battle cries and bold military tactics. He is clothed in a similar fashion to the La Ilustración Española y Americana portrait: with a significant deviation that would leave a telltale mark on succeeded images derived from this one. Gone is the white tie (itself an artistic assumption when the original image merely hinted at the possibility of some sort of neckwear), and in its stead, there is a sober black cravat and even a corsage on the buttonhole of his coat.

Here the transformation of photograph to engraving takes an even more curious turn; as succeeding interpretations in turn find reinterpretation at the hands of one artist in two media; with each interpretation in turn becoming iconic in its own right.

For it was from contemporary history textbooks such as The Philippine Islands that the future National Artist for Sculpture, Guillermo Tolentino, based his illustration, Filipinos Ilustres, which was completed sometime in 1911. Severino Reyes, upon seeing the image, agreed to have it lithographed and published in Liwayway, of which he was the editor at the time, under the name Grupo de Filipinos Ilustres.

Grouping prominent Filipinos together as if posing for a formal studio portrait with the Partido Nacionalista emblem hanging above the group (though other versions do not have the seal), resonated with the public; the illustration was once a regular fixture in most homes in the first decades of the twentieth century. A stern, serious Bonifacio, with wide eyes and a straight nose, is seated between Jose Rizal and Marcelo H. del Pilar.

Filipinos Ilustres would inspire other depictions from around the same period–notably, Manuel Artigas’ Andres Bonifacio y el Katipunan.

The Artigas image is decidedly patrician in both dress and mien, with larger but still almond-shaped eyes but with a slightly more aquiline nose, complemented by prominent cheekbones and a defined jaw. Already far-removed from the original, this gentrified and respectable portrait almost betrays Bonifacio’s class background and visually thrusts him into the exclusive club of ilustrados–the reformists who sought change from above instead of slashing revolution.

The first depiction of Bonifacio on Philippine banknotes (part of the English series of currency issued by the Central Bank of the Philippines from 1949 to 1969 and printed by the British printing company Thomas De La Rue & Co. Ltd.) mirrored both the Artigas rendition and a sculpture by Ramon Martinez. The twenty-peso bill had both Bonifacio and Emilio Jacinto on the obverse. On the reverse is a near-photographic depiction of Martinez’ Balintawak monument, which was unveiled on September 3, 1911. Though he originally intended to commemorate the fallen heroes of the 1896 Revolution in general, this soon became the image of one particular man, Bonifacio, that lingered in the minds of many.

It is almost as if, in the face of conflicting representations, the engravers of the banknote decided to avoid controversy by simply depicting both. For here, the gentrified Bonifacio appears, while the increasingly more iconic–yet ironically not actual (because the statue was never explicitly intended to portray Bonifacio)– sculpture is portrayed on the reverse of the banknote.

However, it would be the El Renacimiento Filipino adulteration, despite its provenance, that would be lent credibility throughout the years with its use in Philippine currency, starting with banknotes issued under the Pilipino series, in circulation from 1969 to 1973.

The Bagong Lipunan series of President Ferdinand E. Marcos, which was in circulation from 1973 to 1985, would follow this design with simple alterations.

This would likewise be featured alongside the portrait of Apolinario Mabini on the ten-peso bill released in 1997, which the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas has since demonetized.

Bonifacio’s image undergoes another re-imagining altogether in Philippine coinage–following conventions established, this time in sculpture, by Guillermo Tolentino.

There was, however, a re-ordering of the hierarchy of heroes. While Rizal was enshrined as the foremost hero by the construction of the Rizal Monument, the second (in scale and artistic ambition) grander monument was that of Bonifacio in 1933. In contrast, there were no monuments dedicated to Emilio Aguinaldo, very much alive, mired as he was in the partisan politics of the 1920s. The era of monumentalism for Aguinaldo would begin only in the 1960s, with the transfer of Independence Day to June 12 in 1962, the renaming of Camp Murphy to Camp Aguinaldo in 1965, and Aguinaldo’s donation of his mansion to the Filipino People shortly before his death. President Marcos consciously adopted the Malolos Republic–with its unicameral legislature and strong presidency– as the historical antecedent for his regime, inaugurating the Interim Batasan Pambansa on June 12, 1978; and transferring the start of official terms to June 30 from Rizal Day (which had been the date since 1941). The looming centennial of the Proclamation of Independence kept the spotlight on Aguinaldo, and with it, the promotion of Aguinaldo in the hierarchy of banknotes: formerly it had been Rizal on the basic unit of currency, the Peso, followed by Bonifacio on two pesos. With the abolition of the two peso coin, Bonifacio was reduced in rank, so to speak, to share the ten peso banknote while Aguinaldo was promoted, so to speak, to the five peso coin.

In 1983, Emilio Aguinaldo replaced Bonifacio on the five-peso bill, and the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas minted a unique, octagonal two-peso coin featuring Bonifacio. This was in circulation from 1983 to 1990, re-released in a smaller, circular form from 1991 to 1994. Bonifacio is more stern and masculine in profile, with a kerchief knotted around his neck.

The current bimetallic 10-peso coin, first minted in 2000, is similar in design to the 10-peso bill with Bonifacio and Mabini.

The image on the coins is most likely sourced from the 45-foot tall bronze monument that bears his name in the City of Caloocan, sculpted by Guillermo Tolentino, who was already middle-aged by this time–the second time the artist had featured Bonifacio in his art.

Here, at what was once the entrance to Manila before the era of the expressway, stands a calm Bonifacio, dressed in an embroidered Barong Tagalog and knotted kerchief, with a bolo in one hand, a revolver in the other, surrounded by Jacinto and two other Katipuneros, symbolizing the Cry of Pugad Lawin.

Tolentino’s work was the culmination of extensive research and consultations not just with Bonifacio’s living contemporaries, but also with the occult through seances and espiritistas. The artist also based his sculpture on Bonifacio’s sister Espiridiona.

The Bonifacio of Tolentino was done in the classical sense, expressing almost no emotion–a cool, calculating, even serene leader in the midst of battle. Napoleon Abueva, a student of Guillermo Tolentino, offers an alternative interpretation: that Bonifacio’s quiet dignity and confidence evokes the resilient spirit of Filipinos.

The monument itself was a purely Filipino project from start to finish, proposed by Bonifacio’s fellow revolutionary leader Guillermo Masangkay in the Philippine Legislature, and funded by Act No. 2760 s. 1918, which also enacted Bonifacio Day as a national holiday. Inaugurated on Bonifacio’s birthday in November 30, 1933, it presaged the transition to independence.

This is in stark contrast to the aforementioned Martinez monument in Balintawak, which was transferred to Vinzons Hall in the University of the Philippines Diliman campus in 1968. Here, a lone figure stands barefoot with his arms outstretched, mouth open in a silent cry to arms. In one hand, a bolo, in the other, the flag of the Katipunan. He is clothed in red pants and an unbuttoned camisa chino.

This image of Bonifacio would endure in popular consciousness, appearing in even the unlikeliest of places, such as in cigarette boxes.

National Artist for Painting Carlos V. Francisco seemingly strikes a balance between both renditions in his famous mural Filipino Struggles Through History, 1964. While the fiery revolutionary in camisa chino and rolled-up red pants resemble the monument that previously stood in Balintawak, he also holds a bolo and a revolver, reflecting the research undertaken by Tolentino.

Amidst the bustling environs of Divisoria in Manila, another side of the President of the Supreme Council is given prominence–poring over a piece of parchment, here is the Bonifacio who wrote impassioned manifestos that rallied the masses. The Katipunan flag waves in the background.

Discrepancies abound even in the commemorative memorabilia released for the Bonifacio centenary in 1963. While the Philippine Postal Corporation evoked the defiant Katipunero of Ramon Martinez’s creation, the BSP chose to follow the serene figure of Tolentino’s monument. Notice that on the stamps marking Bonifacio’s Centenary, he is in what is considered the trademark, though hardly definitive, Katipunero attire; while the coin shows him clad in a suit and tie.

Commemorative memorabilia were likewise released for his death centenary in 1997. The stamps would now feature the various monuments that have been erected to pay tribute to Bonifacio–the calm Bonifacio of Tolentino’s creation, the fiery Bonifacio in Martinez’s sculpture and the pensive Bonifacio that stands in Tutuban.

Written accounts are similarly inconclusive when it comes to the physical characteristics of Bonifacio–none of his contemporaries nor the historians who specialized in the study of the Katipunan are able to provide a concrete description of Bonifacio.

Through the multiple visualizations and renditions of Bonifacio, we may never truly know how he looked. But revolutions are waged not by faces–rather, by the faceless hundreds and thousands who took up arms with the notable and the noted. In death, a definitive image of Bonifacio remains elusive, which presents a concluding irony: that the man unfortunate in battle, achieved his true glory not through the sword, but the pen, through the manifestos and letters that ignited revolutionary ardor, sustaining the revolution in times of adversity, and, regardless of the eventual means for achieving independence, lives on in the hearts and minds of every Filipino who has read the words of Maypagasa–Bonifacio’s nom-de-guerre, which encapsulated in one word, what he himself sought to represent and inspire in his countrymen.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _

Source: http://malacanang.gov.ph/2942-imprinting-andres-bonifacio-the-iconization-from-portrait-to-peso/

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1815 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1809 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1809#respond Sun, 09 Jun 2013 18:59:24 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1809 Origin of the Symbols of the Philippine National Flag by The Malacañan Palace Library

Aside from the Masonic influence on the Katipunan, the design of the Philippine flag has roots in the flag family to which it belongs—that of the last group of colonies that sought independence from the Spanish Empire at the close of the 19th century, a group to which the Philippines belongs. The Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office traces the origins of the Philippine flag’s design elements, which have been in use since General Emilio Aguinaldo first conceived them—the stars and stripes; the red, white, and blue; the masonic triangle; and the sun—and have endured since.

Source: http://malacanang.gov.ph/3846-origin-of-the-symbols-of-our-national-flag/

 

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1809 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1783 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1783#respond Tue, 28 May 2013 19:34:07 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1783

Filipino American Museum of Culture & History Presents -

THE INOSANTO STORY.

JUNE 1, 2013. Los Angeles

FMA Enthusiasts!

Here’s a fund-raising event that not only showcases our pride in Filipino culture and history but also helps to build handicap access for the Filipino Disciples Christian Church.

Dress:  Business casual

R.S.V.P. by phone or email A.S.A.P followed up by payment.  Last year they had to turn people away because there wasn’t enough room or food for them.  The absolute latest they can receive payment and an R.S.V.P. is May 22nd.  If anyone is interested in putting together a display table for their FMA, etc. they can contact Lorna (see below for contact info).

To R.S.V.P., call or email:

Lorna Dumapias

(213) 379-6456

lorna.dumapias7@gmail.com

Checks or money orders should be made payable to:

Filipino American Museum of Culture & History

And checks / money orders can be sent to:

Lorna Dumaplas

P.O. Box 71372, Los Angeles, CA. 90071

Here’s more info about the event:

Other highlights of this special event:

Guru Dan mentions a historical footnote in his promotion of traditional Filipino

martial arts – kali and escrima:  that the art was mainly perpetuated through

dance — while plotting a revolution against 300 years rule by Spain. A traditional

Filipino folk-dance will be performed during the Filipino meal–you will recognize

some of the foot, hand and arm movements!

Demonstration of kali and escrima will follow the folk-dance on stage.

Our social hall  has a permanent History Photo Gallery which features Guru

Dan’s mother and father, as well as Guru Dan. (Guru Dan taught Sunday

School to our church’s college-age group in the 1960′s which is his affiliation

with our church–to date, the only Historic-Cultural monument/landmark of

Filipino- American origin proclaimed by the City of Los Angeles.

In addition, a special photo exhibit about the Inosanto family will be on display.

There will also be a table displaying information/activities about the Inosanto

Academy and Guru Dan’s coming seminars, etc, as well as about the schedule

of classes, activities and coming seminars, etc. of Diana Lee Inosanto and

Ron Balicki.

Because both Guru Dan and his daughter Diana Lee, have always been

supportive of preserving and promoting traditional Filipino martial arts as well

as other disciplines such as JKD, etc. we invite the martial arts community

to participate.  We offer the following:

Your group’s tax-deductible donation of five tickets at $20 each (could be aggregate

of individual check or money order payments) = leader’s name with group/studio name

listed on printed program as a “Friend of the Museum”.  Reservations/payment(s)

may be sent payable to the Filipino American Museum of Culture & History and

mail to Lorna Dumapias, P.O. Box 71372, Los Angeles, CA. 90071.

Ten tickets = listing on printed program and on press releases slated for distribution

May 15, and inclusion in a display table(s) promoting martial arts community, where

you can promote your specific programs/studio.  (We reserve the right to select

final display — no weapons or inappropriate content allowed.  No actual selling.)

Our book titled “Filipino-American Experience: the Making of a Historic-Cultural

Monument”, a coffee table publication in glossy, landscape style format which

includes the Inosanto Story written by Guru Dan’s niece, Dr. Celeste Howe,

be will be offered at a discount to the martial arts community, seniors and students

with school ID.

Because we  must know actual number of attendees as soon as possible

for seating arrangements due to limited room capacity as well as to help us

confirm our order with the restaurant catering the meal, we would appreciate

your prompt response.

Thanks for your participation!  We hope to see you soon!

Best,

Lorna Dumapias, Volunteer Curator/Director

Filipino American Museum of Culture & History

213/379-6456

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1783 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1965 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1965#respond Fri, 17 May 2013 03:17:31 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1965

Before the Philippine flag was standardized into the form we know today, the sun had a human face and eight rays that differed depending on who made it. The sun in the flag also appeared as: seals, stamps, and logos on official communications. I’m not sure if this is a stamp for postage, revenue, or documentary tax.

Ambeth R. Ocampo

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1965 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1736 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1736#respond Mon, 08 Oct 2012 12:51:30 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1736 Boxer Codex

Boxer Codex is a manuscript written circa 1595 which contains illustrations of Filipinos at the time of their initial contact with the Spanish. Aside from a description of and historical allusions to the Philippines and various other Far Eastern countries, it also contains seventy-five colored drawings of the inhabitants of these regions and their distinctive costumes. Fifteen illustrations deal with Filipinos. ^[1]

It is believed that the original owner of the manuscript was Luis Pérez das Mariñas, son of Governor General Gómez Pérez das Mariñas, who was killed in 1593 by the Sangleys (Chinese living in the Philippines). Luis succeeded his father in office as Governor General of the Philippines. Since Spanish colonial governors were required to supply written reports on the territotries they governed, it is likely that the manuscript was written under the orders of the governor. ^[2]

The manuscript’s earliest known owner was Lord Ilchester. The codex was among what remained in his collection when his estate, Holland House in London, suffered a direct hit during an air raid 1942. The manuscript was auctioned in 1947 and came into the possession of Prof. Charles R. Boxer, an authority on the Far East. It is now owned by the Lilly Library at Indiana University. ^[3]

The Boxer Codex depicts the Tagalogs, Visayans, Zambals, Cagayanons and Negritos of the Philippines in vivid colors. Except for the Chinese, however, its illustrations of inhabitants of neighboring countries are odd looking. This suggests that the artist did not actually visit the places mentioned from the text, but drew from imagination. Boxer notes that the descriptions of these countries are not original. The account of China, for example, was largely based on the narrative of Fray Martin de Rada. The technique of the paintings suggests that artist may have been Chinese, as does the use of Chinese paper, ink and paints. ^[4]

 

Native Pre-colonial inhabitants of the Philippines

 

Tagalog royalty and his wife, wearing the distinctive color of his class (red).

 

Tagalog maginoo (noble) and his wife, wearing the distinctive color of his class (blue.

 

A timawa or tumao (noble) couple, Visayan Pintados

 

Visayan kadatuan (royal) couple

.

References

1. ^ Alfredo R. Roces, et. al., eds., Boxer Codex in Filipino Heritage: the Making of a Nation, Philippines: Lahing Pilipino Publishing, Inc., 1977, Vol. IV, p. 1003.
2. ^ Ibid., p. 1004.
3. ^ Ibid., p. 1003.
4. ^ Ibid.

 

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1736 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1629 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1629#respond Tue, 13 Mar 2012 01:26:10 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1629 The Origins of Philippines Boxing, 1899-1929

 

By Joseph R. Svinth

Copyright © Joseph R. Svinth 2001. All rights reserved. The assistance of Pat Baptiste, Hank Kaplan, Paul Lou, Eric Madis, Curtis Narimatsu, John Ochs,  Michael Machado, and Kevin Smith is gratefully acknowledged.

On June 18, 1923, Francisco “Pancho Villa” Guilledo beat Jimmy Wilde to become the world flyweight boxing champion, an accomplishment that was (and remains) a matter of great pride to people of Filipino descent. Unfortunately, while there has been some documentation of the many excellent Filipino boxers who subsequently followed Guilledo to the United States, there has not been as much attention paid to documenting the origins of boxing in the Philippines. This article represents a step toward correcting that omission. People with additional information or corrections are invited to contact the author at jsvinth@ejmas.com.

“Pancho Villa, gone but not forgotten.” Illustration by Ed Hughes, 1925.

Boxing Enters the Philippines

US servicemen introduced boxing to the Philippines during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. How this came about is that on April 25, 1898, the United States declared war on Spain, whose colonial holdings included the Philippines. So, on April 27, 1898, Commodore George Dewey ordered his squadron of five cruisers and two gunboats to steam from China to the Philippines, and there, on May 1, 1898, he issued the famous command, “You may fire when ready, Gridley.” The resulting US naval victory effectively ended Spanish control of the region, and in August 1898 the US Army began the occupation of Luzon. Then, to the horror of the Filipinos, the Americans did not cede the Philippines to them: instead they decided to keep the islands for themselves. Between 1899 and 1913, this resulted in savage wars of peace whose heroes included Emilio Aguinaldo on one side and Arthur MacArthur, Frederick Funston, Leonard Wood, and John J. Pershing on the other.

Casualties in these battles were heavy and one-sided: US casualties were listed as 4,243 killed and 2,818 wounded in action while Filipino casualties are estimated at 16,000 killed, plus another several hundred thousand dead from famine or disease (generally cholera). However, after Theodore Roosevelt’s unilateral declaration of victory in July 1902, US commanders began thinking about how to reduce the rates of desertion, suicide, sexually transmitted diseases, drug abuse, and drunkenness among their soldiers and sailors.

Boxing was offered as a potential solution. The reason was that boxers in training were taught to avoid tobacco, alcohol, and sexual activity. Furthermore, explained writer Charles L. Clay in 1887, “Boxing also makes a man self-reliant and resourceful when assailed by sudden or unexpected dangers or difficulties.” This, in turn, said a YMCA director named C.H. Jackson in 1909, made young men “Christlike and manly.” So, in 1902, Major Elijah Halford (a former secretary to President Benjamin Harrison) asked philanthropists for $200,000 to construct a YMCA in Manila, and by 1904, Army officers such as Edmund Butts were extolling the virtues of boxing in tropical environments such as Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines.

US Military Boxers

On November 18, 1899, soldiers of the 11th US Cavalry reported finding a pair of boxing gloves made by Sol Levinson of San Francisco abandoned in the Luzon village of San Mateo. According to Damon Runyon, writing in October 1925, Filipino prisoners reported that the “gloves had been brought in by a renegade soldier from the negro Twenty-fourth Infantry, and that he had been schooling the Filipinos in their use.”

Many early boxers in the Philippines were African American, as the all-black 9th and 10th US Cavalry, 24th and 25th US Infantry, and 48th and 49th US Volunteer Infantry formed a significant percentage of the American soldiers serving in the Philippines between 1899 and 1902. Following Roosevelt’s declaration of peace, most of the black troops were sent back to the United States but in 1913, the 25th was in Hawaii. There the Honolulu Advertiser noted:

The Twenty-fifth is proud of its colored ringmasters and particularly of Hollie Giles, a welterweight of 155 pounds, who is described by the men as a ‘whirlwind’ fighter; Morgan, a heavyweight at 190 pounds; Carson, a light heavyweight, and Ananias Harris, a light heavyweight. Meanwhile, from 1913 until 1917, the 24th was in the Philippines, serving at Camp McGrath (Batangas) and Fort Mills (Corregidor). Noted African American fighters from this period included the middleweights Joe Blackburn, “Craps” Johnson, and “Demon” White.

Of course, there were also white soldiers who boxed in the Philippines. The most famous was New Jersey’s Mike Ballerino. “Ballerino had a chip on his shoulder,” Pancho Villa recalled in early 1925. “He dared any of the Filipinos to knock it off.” So Pancho Villa did, fighting Ballerino ten times during 1920-1921, winning nine and drawing one. Nonetheless, Ballerino returned to the United States under the management of Frank Churchill, and in December 1925 he became the world junior lightweight champion.

Between 1881 and 1942, the Pacific Fleet enlisted blacks primarily for service as cooks and mess stewards, and the Marines did not enlist them at all. Therefore most sailors and all Marines fighting in the Philippines were white. Examples of white fighters who served in the Philippines include Harvey “Heinie” Miller, a sailor assigned to the USS Wilmington who boxed (and beat) a Japanese jujutsuka during a Manila festival held in 1908 or 1909. Earlier, Miller had fought Jimmy Dwyer for a Pacific Fleet lightweight title. Their fight was a 45-round affair with four-ounce gloves, and Miller won by knockout in the thirteenth, despite a broken nose, cuts around the eyes, a broken rib, and a broken hand.

After 1902, however, the Pacific Fleet began replacing its Japanese cooks and mess stewards with Filipinos, and some of these latter men took up shipboard boxing. For example, in 1903, a 20-year-old Filipino named Eddie Duarte and another forty Filipinos enlisted for service aboard the US Army cable-laying ship Burnside. (Army is correct; in those days, most ships designated for logistical support belonged to the Army rather than the Navy.) Between 1903 and 1904, Burnside laid telegraph cable between Manila and Seattle, and subsequently it laid cable from San Francisco to Valdez, Alaska. “Every evening when the sailors were at leisure,” Carroll Alcott wrote in The Ring in October 1928, “some of the boys would don the gloves and a youthful Eddie made up his mind to have at try… Eddie made his first public appearance at the Olympic club, of Tacoma, Washington. He fought an American Indian and won the decision in four rounds. In that fight, he tipped the beams at 128 pounds, a weight he fought at the remainder of his boxing days. The Indian weighed in at 148. In the following years, Eddie fought in Alaska, Canada, and the United States.”

Of course, this naval boxing was not horribly sophisticated. The boxers “meet on deck when the spirit moves,” the Honolulu Advertiser noted in October 1911, “take up the good natured challenges of their shipmates as they feel inclined, and go at it, to the intense entertainment of their comrades.” As a result, no Filipino naval boxers became more than locally prominent until after World War I. So, as the US Naval Academy’s boxing coach, Doc Dougherty, wrote in an article carried by the Honolulu Advertiser in August 1924:

It was as recently as 1920 before a Filipino boxer, Manuel Soriano, got as far as the finals for the Fleet title. This happened when Harry Gordon, now of New York, defeated Soriano for the Bantam Fleet belt in Madison Square Garden in December of the year mentioned.

The very next year, however, Jose Javier, Filipino flash from the U.S.S. South Dakota, won the flyweight championship of the Atlantic and Pacific fleets combined.

And now comes the tiniest of them all, Young Dencio, of the U.S.S. Mayflower. This lad weighs but an even 100 pounds. At times he is as low as 98. Yet this fellow boxes boys weighing as heavy as 116 and gets away with it.

Other early naval boxers included Juan “Johnny” Candelaria, who fought in Honolulu in 1919 and Manila in 1920.

Civilian Fighters and Promoters

US Army General John J. Pershing, who commanded black units throughout much of his early career, hence his nickname Black Jack, believed that boxing built character in men. After all, there was nothing like fighting to teach a man to fight. Nevertheless, from a commercial standpoint, military fights were always of limited interest. First, the War Department did not allow military boxers to fight civilian amateurs until 1923. Second, ships or units were liable to deploy without warning. And, most importantly, both the Army and Navy discouraged gambling and offered free admission to athletic events.

Free admission and no gambling was not what promoters wanted to hear, and so there were also bootleg fights held out in town. Although crowds were small in the beginning, by the late 1910s crowds of 3,000 to 10,000 were common. There were also bootleg fights held near the Army bases at Corregidor and the Navy base at Subic Bay.

Early promoters included Frank Churchill and the Tait brothers (Bill and Eddie), who opened a ring they called the Olympic in Manila in 1909. The actual location is today part of the campus of the Mapúa Institute of Technology. Fights were held on Wednesday and Saturday. As Churchill put it in 1924, “We ran our big weekly show on Saturday night. On Wednesdays we staged a bargain bill, and on this night we would give all the would-be champions and amateurs a chance.”

Judges were often from the US military. For example, in Manila, one of the judges was from the Army, another was from the Navy, and the third was John Greene, who was said to be head of the Philippine government’s intelligence organization. The military judges included Sergeant Harry Konter, who was stationed in Manila from 1909 to 1919, while the naval judges included Chief Petty Officer Joe Waterman, who was stationed in the Philippines from 1918 to 1920, and who trained fighters at the Olongapo Knights of Columbus gym. Referees included Filipinos; these included Francisco “Paquito” Villa and a man named Gutierrez.

While early fighters included US soldiers or sailors, by the 1910s there were also Australian or American professionals tuning up for fights in their home countries or hoping to extend a career a few more years. Examples of American professionals fighting in the Philippines between 1914 and 1925 include Frank Carbone, George Engle, Frank Haynie, George Lee, Charlie Pitts, Bud Ridley, Bob Roper, and Rufus Turner. Their Australian counterparts included Vince Blackburne, Lew Edwards, Syd Keenan, Harry Holmes, George Mendies, Paddy Mills, Tommy Ryan, and Billy Tingle.

These fighters were ethnically diverse. For example, George Lee was Chinese American. From the Sacramento area, he was a friend and coach of featherweight contender “Babe” Herman Souza. Meanwhile Turner was African American. Due to the efforts of researcher Kevin Smith, additional details are known of Turner’s career, and so a summary is given below. Turner arrived in the Philippines in July 1914. A competent lightweight who had been boxing professionally since 1893, this was toward the end of his career. In Manila, Turner worked for Churchill as trainer, referee, and occasional main event fighter. Until 1918, his opponents were mostly American or Australian, and included Iron Bux, Sammy Good, Charlie Lanum, Spider McFadden, and Bud Walters. However, starting in 1918, he also began fighting Filipinos, to include Enrique Zuzuarregui on October 4 and Dencio Cabenela on October 19. In 1919 Turner continued fighting a combination of foreign and local talent: Harry Holmes on February 8 and July 12; Sylvino Jamito on June 7; Pug Macarino on November 6; and Francisco Flores on November 29. His last known fight was in Pasay on October 29, 1921; the opponent was Jimmy West, and the result was an 8-round draw.

Of course, Filipino gamblers were generally not interested in watching Americans and Australians fight one another. Furthermore, with the Australian entry into World War I in 1914 and the US mobilizations of 1916, competent Australian and American boxers became increasingly hard to get. So, by 1914 there were Filipino fighters in the preliminaries, and by 1919 there were a number of Filipino main event fighters.

Unsurprisingly, one of the first Filipinos to fight a main event at the Olympic was the former Army boxer, Eddie Duarte. According to Alcott, writing in The Ring:

Eventually Duarte returned to the Philippines. He was regarded as a hero and after a number of battles at the Manila Stadium, he was matched to meet Antonio Zuzuarrigue, a welter, who had gained distinction while Eddie was roaming around the world. Eddie weighed 129 pounds and won the verdict at the end of ten slashing rounds.

… Old age finally exacted its toll and in 1916 Eddie went down to defeat against the youthful Ramon Sanchez. The old veteran is now [1928] 45 years old and enjoys his advancing years by watching the fruits of his early endeavor spring into champions and powerful contenders

Technically, many of these Filipino main event fighters were not very good. As Norris Mills, the former sports editor of the Manila Daily Bulletin put it in 1925, “Many have been ruined due to the management rushing them into the main event class before they were ready. This rushing process was usually due to a shortage of fighters of top notch timber or the popularity of the scrapper.” Frank Churchill indirectly corroborated this observation, saying in 1924: There were a great many ambitious Filipino lads who craved ring glory, even at the expense of a broken beezer or a vegetable ear. These boys would storm the club on Wednesday night, begging for a chance to go on. Many of them didn’t have money enough to buy an outfit of ring togs, so we always kept a supply of trunks, shoes, etc., available for them. Lots of ‘em wouldn’t use shoes. They were accustomed to going barefoot and shoes cramped their style. Nevertheless, several Filipino fighters of the era were excellent, and the best of them all was the future world flyweight champion Francisco “Pancho Villa” Guilledo. Born at Iloilo, Philippines, on August 1, 1901, Guilledo took up boxing in 1917, turned professional in 1919, and died in July 1925 after fighting a bout in the United States despite impacted wisdom teeth. Standing 5’1″ tall, his best weight was 110-115. Technically, he was described as “a tireless offensive fighter with a strong punch in either left or right.” He was also a consummate showman. For example, he always had an open camp where he entertained paying fans with his expert rope skipping, and once, after knocking an opponent down, he astonished onlookers by jumping on the neutral corner post to await the count.

Other well-regarded bootleg boxers include:

• Dencio Cabanela. Cabanela was of Igoroto ancestry and in 1920, at age 20, he weighed 128 pounds and had a 17-inch neck. On July 2, 1921, he became the first of three Filipinos managed by Frank Churchill to die of ring-related causes. (The other two were Pancho Villa and Inocencio “Clever Sencio” Moldes.)
• The Flores brothers (Francisco, Elino, Macario, and Ireneo). All of them started fighting professionally while aged 13 or 14, all of them fought in the US or Australia, and all were managed by their mother. “I can hit harder when mother is at the ringside,” explained Macario Flores in 1922.
• Sylvino Jamito. A featherweight, he claimed the lightweight championship of the Philippines. He started his professional career in 1916. As noted above he had a draw with Rufe Turner in 1919. He also fought in Australia in 1921 and the United States in 1923. According to Everlast Boxing Record Book 1923, he had a career record of at least 49 fights, of which he lost only 5.
• Pete Sarmiento (bantamweight). Sarmiento was born in Florida, Blanca, Philippines, on October 15, 1901. At age 22, he stood 5’3″ and weighed 118 pounds. Managed by Frank Churchill, he fought in California during the mid-1920s.
• Macario Villon (lightweight). Around 1921, Villon fought a 20-round fight with Bud Taylor in Manila, and gave him a solid whipping. In 1922, he defeated Jerry Monohan in Manila. However, in 1923 he lost a couple 15-round decisions to Sylvino Jamito and Ireneo Flores. Villon later fought in San Francisco, where Frankie Farren knocked him out on June 2, 1925.

Other early Filipino fighters about whom less is known are Frisco Concepcion, Cowboy Reyes, and Johnny Hill; the latter was the son of an African American sailor and a Filipino woman.

Legalization

In 1921, boxing was legalized in the Philippines. The idea was that this would satisfy “the Filipino’s natural love of sport which formerly found its expression in cock-fighting and other vicious sports of like nature.”

The code adopted was similar to New York’s Walker Law, with the exception that the Philippines allowed 20-round fights and paid almost no attention to weight classes. As The Ring noted in its June 1923 edition:

The Philippine code permits twenty round bouts to a decision, which goes the Empire State five better. Every champion of the Islands is obliged to defend his title every six months unless something beyond his control prevents him. If he fails to meet an accredited challenger within that period, the challenger acquires the title.

There is one peculiar item in the code which may be due to an error in typing. One of the clauses reads: ‘There shall be a difference of no more than 18 pounds between two contestants except in the case of the light-heavyweights and heavyweights.

If this is true, all the good derived from the new law is nullified because such difference in weight invites casualties.

Collegiate Boxing

Filipino collegiate boxing dates to 1923. Once again, driving forces included the US Army. As quoted in The Ring by Pablo Anido, the Philippines’ Governor General, Maj. Gen. Leonard Wood, stated that he wanted “to see the Filipino youth master the manly arts of self-defense – wrestling and boxing.”

Why? Simply because our beloved Governor realizes from experience that both sports develop he-men who become high class citizens. The Governor in the course of his remarks declared that if every young man would think of his health and physical welfare, and then take up boxing and wrestling as a pastime, the world would have better men and better citizens. That this is so, often has been proven. Boxing develops every muscle in the human body, quickens the brain, sharpens the wits, imparts force, and, above all, it teaches self-control.

… The time when it was popular to be a fop and dandy – when it was considered a sign of good breeding to be able to show delicate and well manicured, effeminate hands, is past.

One cannot be successful in life unless one is in constant ‘fighting trim.’ One must be in condition to go and keep going at top speed. Hence the reason for introducing boxing in the University of Manila where it will soon become a major sport.

That said, the true inspiration was not the army, but Pancho Villa, and in 1930 the Filipinos sent a collegiate team to Tokyo to box in the Far Eastern Championship Games. Members included flyweight, Villanueva; bantamweight, John Gray and Guillermo Lazaro; featherweight, Oscar de la Rosa; lightweight, Alejandro Florentino; and welterweight, Carlos Padilla. Although faring well in this contest, the Filipino team eventually withdrew to protest the Japanese referees’ allegedly arbitrary rulings. But of course the Filipinos were not averse to making arbitrary rulings of their own, and four years later 5,000 Japanese rioted in Manila following an equally questionable call involving a Korean student fighting under Japanese colors.

Filipinos in Hawaii before Legalization

Filipinos also fought in Hawaii prior to legalization. Under Section 320 of the US Code, prizefighting was illegal in the Territory of Hawaii until 1929. In practice, however, this portion of the Federal code was widely ignored. For example, in October 1915 the Judge Advocate General of the Army ruled that soldiers could box in garrison provided that there were no admission charges, no challenges from the ring, no decisions announced at the conclusion of fights, and no obvious gambling. At Schofield Barracks, early promoters of military boxing included Tommy Marlowe and Lieutenant Barnard of the 5th US Cavalry, and Sergeant John Stone of the Ordnance Department. At Fort DeRussey, promoters included Sergeant Anthony Biddle of the 17th US Cavalry. The Navy took a similar view, and as result, throughout the 1920s the 14th Naval District Submarine Division held monthly smokers at Pearl Harbor.

As in Manila, the military fights were not always open to civilian spectators, and due to restrictions against soldiers fighting civilians, the fighters were almost entirely military. This of course annoyed civilian boxing fans, and as a result, from 1915 to 1929, there was also bootleg boxing in Hawaii.

The legal fiction used to circumvent the law was that the fights were not prizefights, but instead 3 or 4-round exhibitions held solely for the amusement of members of private clubs. As the Honolulu Advertiser explained the practice in July 1927, “’Membership cards’ were sold on the night of the fight in buildings across the street.” Examples of clubs that organized bootleg fights included Honolulu’s Kewalo Athletic Club and International Athletic Association, and Hilo’s National Athletic Club. The YMCA also offered boxing in some of its youth programs, saying, “Wholesome athletics act as mental tonic in the formation of a boy’s character.”

The reason the law could be flaunted was a case in December 1915 in which US Attorney Jefferson McCarn had filed charges against a promoter and some boxers, and the defense counsel turned out to be the former Honolulu district attorney Robert W. Breckons. Meanwhile, witnesses for the defense included the sitting US Circuit Judge T.B. Stuart. Said the jurist, who admitted sitting in the twelfth row of seats:

I saw these two men engage in sparring on the stage. I think it was three rounds – one minute each and half a minute between. Yes, they had gloves on. Well, they made several demonstrations; I would not call it striking. They would spar and tap each other, just like that… They would, of course, touch each other, care being used not to hurt each other. Following this slap in the face, the US Attorney refused to try future cases, and so it wasn’t until 1927 that anyone else was indicted, let alone convicted, on charges of promoting prizefighting in Hawaii. (And even then the charges owed more to pressure from women’s temperance leagues than any governmental desire to prosecute boxers or promoters.)

Like the communities from which they recruited, Hawaiian bootleg fight clubs were racially segregated. The one that attracted the most Filipinos was Honolulu’s Rizal Athletic Club. The Rizal club held its first smoker in July 1922, and a standard card of this era featured Kid Parco fighting Al “Alky” Dawson or Patsy Fernandez during the main event or Kid Carpenterio during the semi-main. Other Filipinos who fought in Hawaii prior to legalization included Battling Bolo, Young Malicio, Clever Feder, Pedro Suerta, Moniz, Santiago, and Cabayon.

Excepting small gate receipts, the only money to be made through boxing in Hawaii was through side betting. This was unsatisfactory to Filipinos, partly because the working-class fighters wanted to be paid for their pains, and mostly because people from all walks of life wanted to see fights featuring the Filipino pugilists passing through Honolulu on their way to and from San Francisco. As a result, in 1926 the “pugilistic propensity of the Filipino population of Hawaii” was a stated motivation for Governor Wallace Farrington’s testimony to Congress urging the legalization of prizefighting in Hawaii. Said the governor:

At the present time a large and growing Filipino population has very little amusement, and it is a real problem to keep them out of trouble. Their interest in boxing is not surpassed by their interest in any other sport. At every show given, there have been thousands of Filipinos denied admission because the shows were not open to the general public. Boxing will bring them into closer relations with the other races and tend to make better citizens out of them. In the meantime, Filipino fighters such as Carpenterio tried earning money by participating in exhibition bouts with wrestlers and judoka. For example, on May 12, 1923, he met judoka S. Takahashi during a mixed match. “Carpenterio boxed and the professor used jiu jitsu,” said the Advertiser. “The first two-minute round was a draw. Thirty seconds after the second round started Carpenterio was down with an ankle hold and the stuff was off.”

For Further Reading

For Pancho Villa’s ring record, see Tracy Callis, “Pancho Villa (Francisco Guilledo),” http://www.cyberboxingzone.com/boxing/villa-p.htm. For more about the Filipino boxers that followed Guilledo to the United States, see Cornelio M. Pasquil, “The Great Filipino Boxing Era,” Filipino American National Historical Journal, 3 (1994), and also Pasquil’s film documentary called The Great Pinoy Boxing Era. Photos of some of these later fighters appear at http://www.sports.nd.edu/exhibits/winkexhibit/winkmenu.html.

For pre-World War I US military boxing, see Edmund L. Butts, “Soldierly Bearing, Health and Athletics,” Outing, 63 (October 1903 to March 1904), 707-711. For black soldiers of that era, try Oswald Garrison Villard, “The Negro in the Regular Army,” Atlantic Monthly, 91 (1903), 721-729, reprinted at http://eserver.uwtc.washington.edu/race/the-negro-in-the-army.html, while for black fighters, try Kevin Smith’s website, http://members.aol.com/ksmith9116/carmel.html.

Data about Philippine-American War casualties can be found in the Army Medical Bulletin, 1930, “War Casualties,” http://www.armymedicine.army.mil/history/booksdocs/wwi/casualties/lovefm.htm; Roger A. Lee, “Philippine-American War, 1899-1902,” http://www.historyguy.com/PhilipineAmericanwar.html; and Trevor K. Plante, “Researching Service in the U.S. Army during the Philippine Insurrection,” http://www.nara.gov/publications/prologue/philip.html.

Other source documents included clippings from the Honolulu Advertiser, New York Times, and The Ring.

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1629 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1613 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1613#respond Tue, 13 Mar 2012 01:16:16 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1613 Arnis: A Question of Origins
by Bot Jocano

Rapid Journal Vol. 2, No. 4
4th Qtr 1997

Taichi Works Publications
458 Jaboneros St. Binondo, Manila 1006
Arnis: A Question of Origins

by Bot Jocano

The term arnis evokes a number of reactions from people every time it is mentioned in a conversation. Some people start fanning their hands in the air, imitating the distinctive movements of the two-stick (doble baston) training method. This image of arnis is one of the most popular to the layman. A second reaction, and quite as common as the first, is the question: “Saan ba talaga galing ang arnis?” (Where did arnis really come from?) Alternatively, “Di ba, sa atin nanggaling ang arnis?î (Isn’t it that arnis comes from us?) is a question also heard. This article is an attempt to critically examine the roots of one of the martial arts of the Philippines, arnis. It must be noted that in no way does this article claim to be the final say on the origins of arnis. It is actually a preliminary look, a start if you will, into re-examining carefully the origins of an art form.

Arnis, also known as kali, escrima, baston, etc. is a complete martial art system, encompassing weapons training and empty-hand self-defense. It includes training in single stick techniques (solo baston), double stick techniques (doble baston), stick and knife or dagger techniques (espada y daga) and knife techniques (daga). Some styles may include staff and spear (sibat) training in their curriculum. Others will include the practice of medium to long bladed weapons (bolo) in their repertoire. Many styles have some form of empty hand combat, encompassing striking, kicking, locking, throwing and even choking methods. These are usually taught when the practitioner has demonstrated a reasonable degree of proficiency with the weapons of his style of arnis. Different arnis styles, from different parts of the country, may emphasize different areas of the training methods noted above. The term arnis is believed to be a Tagalog corruption of the Spanish term arnes, or harness, a reference to the decorations worn by the early Filipinos. Kali is another term used to refer to the same kind of martial arts. Different provinces may have different names for arnis, such as baston and kaliradman (Ilonggo, Bisaya), pagkalikali (Ibanag) and kalirongan (Pangasinan). These are only a few examples of the terms already recorded in different sources.

With such a comprehensive system of martial arts being taught and promoted in different areas of the country, it is inevitable that people would ask, where did such a complete martial art system come from?

One suggestion is that it originally came from another martial art system, called tjakalele. This is actually the name of a branch of the Indonesian martial art system known as pentjak silat. Another suggestion is that it was brought here from the Southeast Asian mainland, particularly during the Madjapahit and Shri-Visayan empires. Yet another suggestion is that it was propagated by the so-called ten Bornean datus fleeing persecution from their homeland. We shall critically examine these assertions one at a time.

The idea that arnis evolved or was derived from another martial art system, namely tjakalele silat, is due to linguistics. The alternative name for arnis is kali. It is widely held that this is the older term for arnis, and that kali itself emphasizes bladed weaponry apart from practice with the stick. It is not surprising that a connection could be seen between the term kali and tjakalele. However, linguistic similarity alone is not enough ground to assert that kali was indeed derived from tjakalele. There has to be documented proof that one came from the other. What form should this proof take? Authenticated documents certainly are one of the best pieces of evidence – if such could be found, and proven to be genuine. A close and thorough comparison of both styles would help, but it must be remembered that they would have changed over time, reflecting the different changes that have happened in their cultures of origin. On the other hand, one of the local terms for a bladed weapon is kalis. It is also believed that kali is a derived term from kalis. This assertion will require study before it can be validated.

Another oft-quoted idea is that kali was brought here during the Shri-Vishayan (7th -14th centuries and Madjapahit (13th -16th centuries) empires. This reflects the notion that the Philippines then was somehow an integral part of both empires. It must be noted that the archaeological evidence for the role of the Philippines in both empires is very meager. About the best that could be said is that there was commercial contact, but whether such contact also included the spreading of martial arts is circumstantial at best.

A third idea regarding the spreading and propagation of kali in the Philippines is that ten Bornean datus (sometimes nine) fled here and settled in various parts of the Philippines. They brought with them their fighting systems and taught these along with other arts in the academies called the bothoan.

A key problem here is that much of what we know about the ten datus is derived from the Maragtas of Pedro Monteclaro, published in l1oilo in 1907. Doubt has been cast on its usefulness as a historical document, especially since it records folk or oral history. Scholars such as the late William Henry Scott and F. Landa Jocano, are clear on this point – the Maragtas is a document recording folk or oral history, and not an actual eyewitness account of the events stated therein. As such, its historical value diminishes rapidly with each retelling of the story .If the original story of the ten Bornean datus is folklore and not authentic history, what are we then to make of the story regarding the propagation of kali in the bothoan? Folkloric history is useful in enabling people to identify with the art of kali, but it should not be taken as actual history.

If after having critically questioned the sources of the origins of kali, or arnis as it is known today, and through these critical analyses, have come to the positions stated above, what can we then say about the origin of kali, or arnis? Regardless of the name of the art or its sources, the fact that the early Filipinos practiced some form of combat was not lost on the Spaniards who first arrived here. Pigafetta’s description of the death of Magellan is graphic in its description of the weapons wielded by the natives. It is interesting to note that Magellan died as he was rushed by the defenders armed with spears and bladed weapons. In more recent times, Scott’s book Barangay includes a chapter on ancient Bisayan weapons and warfare. This was derived from the accounts and dictionaries of the early Spanish friars, some of whom were witnesses to the use and practice of weapons and warfare methods at the time.

To state therefore, that its origins lie outside the Philippines is misleading, for it disregards the unrecorded but no less real experiences our forefathers went in simply trying their best to survive. These experiences are recorded in the techniques of their styles of arnis. It is also quite possible that there were blendings with different styles of combat, but if so, these are quite difficult to verify historically.

A key difficulty in researching the origins of arnis is that most sources tend to be oral history or folkloric in nature. They are not exactly historical documents in the sense of being eyewitness accounts. Hence, their authenticity in this sense is always suspect. On the other hand, as folklore, they serve as a window, if you will, into how people think. Folklore gives us an idea of how people actually understand their world and their place in it.

Martial arts, in whatever form, and in whatever place, are the unique product of the people who developed them, as members of their culture. A case in point is Japanese fencing, kendo in its modern format, kenjutsu as the traditional form. Japanese fencing is a product of the technology and the values and habits of the Japanese. Similarly, it should be remembered that kali or arnis as it is also called today, is very much a product of the Filipino cultural experience. The relative informality of most practice sessions, for instance, is a reflection on the importance we place in building harmonious relationships with others.

In conclusion, it is not easy to actually trace the origins of the art of kali or arnis. Perhaps we may never actually trace it to a single key event in the lives of our forefat1lers. On the other hand, it is equally important to remember that the art itself is a continuing evolving product, subject to change and refinement over the years. What is also important is that we remain open-minded, willing to improve our understanding of the origins of this martial art. Such open-mindedness is useful inasmuch as it provides us with further insights into our identity as Filipinos.

Bibliography:

Canete, Ciriaco. Doce Pares. Cebu City. Doce Pares Publishing House, 1989.

Inosanto, Dan; Johnson, Gilbert; and Foon, George. The Filipino Martial Arts. Los Angeles. Know How Publishing, 1980

Presas, Ernesto. Arnis. Manila. 1988

Presas, Remy. Modem Arnis. Manila. Modem Arnis Publishing Co., 1974, 1993.

Yambao, Placido. Mga Karununngan sa Larong Arnis. Quezon City: UP Press, 1957.

For references on Philippine prehistory:

Jocano, F .Landa. Questions & Challenges in Philippine Prehistory. Professorial Chair lecture: UP Press, 1975.

Jocano, F Landa. Philippine Prehistory. Quezon City: PCAS, 1975

Scott, William Henry. Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History. Quezon City. New Day Publishers, 1974.

Scott, William Henry. Barangay. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1994.

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1613 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1594 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1594#respond Wed, 07 Mar 2012 08:55:30 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1594

Warrior’s Helmet (Oklop), Ifugao, 19th-early 20th c., National Gallery of Australia.

 

Courtesy of http://pupuplatter.tumblr.com

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1594 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1575 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1575#respond Wed, 07 Mar 2012 08:39:43 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1575

Dagger Hilt, Butuan, 10th-13th c., Tony and Cecile Gutierrez Collection.

 

Courtesy of http://pupuplatter.tumblr.com

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1575 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1572 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1572#respond Wed, 07 Mar 2012 08:33:00 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1572

Joseph Montano, “Moros-Moros au Théâtre d’Albay,” 1886.

 

Courtesy of http://pupuplatter.tumblr.com

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1572 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1568 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1568#respond Wed, 07 Mar 2012 08:27:43 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1568

Body Armor, Lanao del Sur, late 19th-early 20th c., British Museum.

 

Courtesy of http://pupuplatter.tumblr.com

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1568 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2645 https://mandirigma.org/?p=2645#respond Thu, 09 Feb 2012 10:07:42 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=2645 The first written account of “KALI” as the pre-Hispanic name of the Filipino Martial Arts

Source: http://fmahistoryredux.blogspot.com/2014/11/the-first-written-account-of-kali-as.html?spref=fb

http://fmahistoryredux.blogspot.com/2014/11/philippine-hero-rev-fr-gregorio-aglipay.html

“Mga Karunungan sa Larong Arnis” by Placido Yambao and Buenaventura Mirafuente, University of the Philippines Press, 1957… the first book on the Filipino Martial Arts that we know now… its section on the history of the Filipino Martial Arts stated that when the Spaniards arrived in the Philippines, Filipino Martial Arts was not yet called “ARNIS” but “KALI” (“Ang KALI na dinatnan ng mga Kastila ay hindi pa ARNIS ang tawag noong 1610″)… The book also mentioned that a KALI demonstration was once performed in honor of the newly-arrived Conquistador Miguel Lopez de Legazpi on the order of a tribal leader in the Island of Leyte…

 

 

Philippine Hero Rev. Fr. Gregorio Aglipay, the source of Yambao & Mirafuente’s “KALI”…

 

REV. FR. GREGORIO AGLIPAY, 1860-1940 (center), the first Supreme Bishop of the Philippine Independent Church (Wikipedia photo)…Rev. Fr. Aglipay was the source of the information that the original name of the Filipino Martial Arts is KALI in the book “Mga Karunungan sa Larong Arnis” authored by Placido Yambao and Buenaventura Mirafuente (University of the Philippines Press, 1957):’Ang KALI na Dinatnan ng mga Kastila ay Hindi pa Arnis ang Tawag nuong 1610…. Noong unang panahon ang larong ito’y kilala sa tawag na “KALI” ng ating mga ninuno, nguni’t sa hindi maiwasang pagbabago ng panahon at pangyayari (underscoring mine) ay pinamagatan nila ng “Panandata” sa Tagalog, “Pagkalikali” sa kapatagan ng Kagayan ng mga Ibanag, “Kalirongan” sa Pangasinan, “Kaliradman” sa Bisaya at “Pagaradman” sa Ilongo nuong 1860, at “Didya” sa Ilokos at muling naging “Kabaroan,” ayon kay Rev. Fr. Gregorio Aglipay na bantog din sa arnis nuong 1872.’TRANSLATION:

‘The indigenous martial art that the Spanish encountered in 1610 was not yet called Arnis at that time. During those times, this martial art was known as “KALI” to our ancestors.  Due to theunavoidable changing of the times and circumstances (underscoring mine), this martial art became known as “Panandata” to the Tagalogs, “Pagkalikali” to the Ibanags of the plains of Cagayan, “Kalirongan” to the people of Pangasinan, “Kaliradman” to the Visayans, “Pagaradman” to the Ilonggos in 1860, and “Didya” to the Ilocanos (but later on changed to “Kabaroan”).  This is according to Rev. Fr. Gregorio Aglipay, who himself was a famous Arnis practitioner in 1872.’

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=2645 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1457 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1457#respond Thu, 09 Feb 2012 09:06:00 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1457

Indigenous peoples of the Philippines

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The indigenous peoples of the Philippines consist of a large number of indigenous ethnic groups living in the country. They are the descendants of the original inhabitants of the Philippines who have managed to resist centuries of Spanish and United States colonization and in the process have retained their customs and traditions.^[1]

In the 1990s, there were more than 100 highland tribal groups constituted approximately 3% of the population. The upland tribal groups were a blend in ethnic origin like other lowland Filipinos, although they did not have contact with the outside world. They displayed a variety of social organization, cultural expression and artistic skills. They showed a high degree of creativity, usually employed to embellish utilitarian objects, such as bowls, baskets, clothing, weapons and spoons. These groups ranged from various Igorot tribes, a group that includes the Bontoc, Ibaloi, Ifugao, Isneg, Kalinga and Kankana-ey, who built the Rice Terraces. They also covered a wide spectrum in terms of their integration and acculturation with lowland Christian and Muslim Filipinos. Native groups such as the Bukidnon in Mindanao, had intermarried with lowlanders for almost a century. Other groups such as the Kalinga in Luzon have remained isolated from lowland influence.

There were several indigenous groups living in the Cordillera Central of Luzon in 1990. At one time it was employed by lowland Filipinos in a pejorative sense, but in recent years it came to be used with pride by native groups in the mountain region as a positive expression of their ethnic identity. The Ifugaos of Ifugao Province, the Bontocs, Kalinga, Tinguian, the Kankana-ey and Ibaloi were all farmers who constructed the rice terraces for many centuries.

Other mountain peoples of Luzon are the Isnegs of northern Kalinga-Apayao Province, the Gaddangs of the border between Kalinga-Apayao, and Isabela provinces and the Ilongots of Nueva Vizcaya Province and Caraballo Mountains all developed hunting and gathering, farming cultivation and headhunting. Other indigenous people such as the Negritos formerly dominated the highlands throughout the islands for thousands of years, but have been reduced to a small population, living in widely scattered locations, primarily along the eastern ranges of the mountains.

In the southern Philippines, upland and lowland tribal groups were concentrated on Mindanao and western Visayas, although there are several indigenous groups such as the Mangyan living in Mindoro. Among the most important groups found on Mindanao are collectively called the Lumad, and includes the Manobo, Bukidnon of Bukidnon Province, Bagobo, Mandaya, and Mansaka, who inhabited the mountains bordering the Davao Gulf; the Subanon of upland areas in the Zamboanga; the Mamanua in the Agusan-Surigao border region; the Bila-an, Tiruray and Tboli in the region of the Cotabato province, and the Samal and Bajau in the Sulu Archipelago. The tribal groups of the Philippines are known for their carved wooden figures, baskets, weaving, pottery and weapons.

Reservation

The Philippine government succeeded in establishing a number of protected reservations for tribal groups. Indigenous people were expected to speak their native language, dress in their traditional tribal clothing, live in houses constructed of natural materials using traditional architectural designs and celebrate their traditional ceremonies of propitiation of spirits believed to be inhabiting their environment. They are also encouraged to re-establish their traditional authority structure in which, as in indigenous society were governed by chieftains known as Rajah and Datu.

Contact between “primitive” and “modern” ethnic groups usually resulted in weakening or destroying tribal culture without assimilating the indigenous groups into modern society. It seemed doubtful that the shift of the Philippine government policy from assimilation to cultural pluralism could reverse the process. Several Filipino tribes tends to lead to the abandonment of traditional culture because land security makes it easier for tribal members to adopt the economic process of the larger society and facilitates marriage with outsiders. In the past, the Philippine government bureaus could not preserve tribes as social museum exhibits, but with the aid of various nationwide organizations, they hoped to help the tribes adapt to modern society without completely losing their ethnic identity.

 

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1457 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1454 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1454#respond Thu, 09 Feb 2012 08:59:50 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1454 A timeline of Indochina and Indonesia by Piero Scaruffi

http://www.scaruffi.com/politics/indochin.html

206 BC: the kingdom of the Nam Viet dynasty extends from Vietnam to Canton
257 BC: An Doung Voung (Thuc Phan) unifies tribes of Vietnam and creates the kingdom of Auc Lac with his capital at Phuc An
208 BC: Chao To create the kingdom of Namviet in northern Vietnam
111 BC: China annexes the kingdom of Namviet
1## AD: an Indian brahmin founds the kingdom of Funan, with capital in Vyadhapura
192 AD: China expands into Vietnam to the border with the Champa empire
221 AD: China is unified and begins expanding south
529 AD: Rudrawarman founds a new dynasty in Champa
50#: the Srivijaya kingdom is founded in southern Sumatra (Indonesia) with capital in Palembang and Buddhism as the state religion
55# AD: the kingdom of Chenla (north Cambodia) annexes Funan (south Cambodia)
572: Sambhuvarman becomes king of Vietnam and builds monuments at Mi Son
58#: the Srivijaya kingdom expands on Java
605: China captures the Champa capital Trakieu
612: first inscriptions in the Khmer language
616: Isanavarman I becomes king of Chenla
627: Isanavarman I annexes Funan and northwest Cambodia
653: Prakasadharma becomes king of Cham and builds the Hinduist temples of My Son (Vietnam)
65#: the Nanchao kingdom forms in northern Burma
657: Jayavarman I of Chenla conquers north Laos and founds the Khmer dynasty
686: the Srivijaya kingdom expands over Sumatra (Indonesia) and the Malay peninsula
7##: the Sailendra, allied of Srivijaya, rule in central Java
717: the Chenla kingdom collapses and falls under the influence of the Sailendra
732: Sanjaya founds the Sanjaya dynasty in central Java (Indonesia) with capital in Mataram (central Java)
778: Sailendra king Dharmatunga begins construction of the Buddhist temple at Borobudur in Java (Indonesia)
791: the Nanchao kingdom (north Burma) expands under I-mou-hsun
802: Jayavarman II liberates the Khmers from Javanese domination and founds a new Hinduist kingdom in Cambodia, Angkor, with capital near Seam Reap (Roluos ruins)
82#: Sailendra king Samaratunga completes construction of the Buddhist temple at Borobudur in Java (Indonesia)
825: the kingdom of Pegu (south Burma) moves its capital at Hamsavati
832: the Nanchao kingdom (north Burma) subdues the Pyu people
832: the Sanjaya kingdom annexes the Sailendra kingdom in Java (Indonesia)
875: a new Champa kingdom is founded at Indrapura/ Quangnam under king Indravarman I who protects Buddhism
877: Indravarman I of Khmer creates a network of irrigation in Cambodia and builds the temples of Bakong and Preah Ko
889: Yasovarman I founds the city of Angkor
893: Indravarman II founds a new Champa dynasty
898: Sanjaya king Balitung of Mataram restores Hinduism in Central Java
907: China’s domination of Indochina ends
910: Sanjaya king Daksa begins construction of the Hindu temples at Prambanan in Java (Indonesia) dedicated to Shiva
910: Yashovarman I establishes the Khmer capital at Yashodharapura (Angkor)
921: Jayavarman IV usurpes the throne of Khmer and moves the capital to Koh Ker
929: Sindok founds a new dynasty in East Java
938: Ngo Quyen liberates Vietnam from China at the battle of Bach Dang
939: Ngo Quyen declares the independence of Namviet and founds the kingdom of Annam (north Vietnam)
944: Rajendravarman becomes king of Khmer and moves the capital back to Angkor
950: the Khmer kingdom expands from Cambodia to Burma, Laos and Siam
968: Champa king Dinh Bo Linh founds the Dinh dynasty and moves the capital to Hoa Lu (Vietnam)
979: Annam’s king Le Hoan founds the first Le dynasty in Vietnam
979: Champa (south Vietnam) king Paramesvaravarman attacks Annam (north Vietnam), the beginning of five centuries of warfare, but is defeated and killed
982: Annam’s king Le Hoan captures the Champa capital Indrapura and the Champa kingdom moves its capital to Vjaya
982:
979: Annam’s king Le Hoan captures the Champa capital Indrapura and the Champa kingdom moves its capital to Vjaya
985: Sanjaya king Dharmavamsa conquers Bali (Indonesia)
988: Harivarman II founds a new Champa kingdom with capital in Vijaya
1006: the Srivijaya kingdom of southern Sumatra (Indonesia) attacks Sanjaya, destroys Mataram (Central Java) and kills Dharmavamsa
1010: the Ly dynasty succeeds the Le dynasty and moves the capital of Annam to Thanh Long (Hanoi)
1019: Dharmavamsa’s son-in-law Airlangga founds the Kahuripan kingdom in East Java (Indonesia) and invades Bali
1030: Airlangga annexes the kingdom of Srivijaya (Indonesia) through marriage but divides his kingdom between his sons (kingdoms of Janggala and Kediri)
1030: the Chola of India raid Srivijaya
1044: Annam raids the Champa capital and kills the Champa king in Vietnam
1049: Airlangga retires in a monastery and divides his kingdom between his two sons
1050: Udayadityavarman becomes king of Khmer and the empire reaches its peak (Cambodia, south Laos, south Thailand, north Malaysia)
1057: King Anawrahta/ Anoratha founds the kingdom of Bagan in north Burma and converts to Theravada Buddhism
1069: Annam seizes the northern provinces of the Champa kingdom in Vietnam
1084: king Kyanzittha becomes king of Bagan in Burma
1088: the kingdom of Melayu (Jambi) in southern Sumatra takes over the territory of Srivijaya
1096: the Payao kingdom is founded in northern Thailand
111 BC: Han China conquers the Nam Viet kingdom
1112: earliest inscriptions in Burmese
1113: Suryavarman II becomes king of Khmer
1117: the kingdoms of East Java are unified by Kamesvara of Kediri
1130: Khmer king Suryavarman II builds Angkor Wat
1145: The Khmer army defeats the Champa army and takes its capital Vijaya in Vietnam
1148: Champa king Jaya Harivarman I expels the Khmers and reunites the Champa kingdom in Vietnam
1177: Champa under Jaya Indravarman loots the Khmer’s capital Angkor
1181: Jayavarman VII becomes king of Khmer, converts to Buddhism and builds the Bayon
1190: Jayavarman VII conquers the Champa kingdom
1192: Suryavarman expels the Khmers and restores the kingdom of Champa
1203: The Khmers reconquer the kingdom of Champa
1220: the Champa kingdom becomes independent again
1221: Ken Angrok (Rajasa) destroys the kingdom of Kediri and founds a new kingdom in Singhasari in East Java (Indonesia)
1225: the Ly dynasty in Annam (north Vietnam) is terminated by the Tran
1238: Thais conquer Sukhothai from Angkor and found a new kingdom in northern Thailand
1239: Mangrai founds the kingdom of Lan Na in northern Thailand, with capital at Chiengmai
1253: the Mongols conquer Nanchao
1268: Kertanegara becomes king of Singhasari in East Java
126#: The north of Sumatra (Samudera) converts to Islam
1275: Kertanegara of East Java launches a campaign of military expansion
1279: Sukothai’s king Ramkamhaeng/ Rama Khambeng extends the kingdom to Vientiane (Laos) in the east and to Pegu (Burma) in the west
128#: the kingdom of Sukothai defeats Srivijaya
1281: the Mons under Wareru declare independence in the south of Burma with capital at Martaban during a Mongol invasion
1283: Sukothai’s king Ramkamhaeng/ Rama Khambeng adopts the script of the Khmers to create the Thai alphabet
1284: Kertanegara invades Bali
1287: Kublai Khan’s Mongols are defeated in Vietnam for the third time by Annam
1287: Kublai Khan’s Mongols conquer Bagan (Burma) and the Shan brothers carve out principalities for themselves in the north of Burma while Arakan declares independence in the southwest of Burma
1287: Sukothai’s king Ramkamhaeng/ Rama Khambeng conquers the Mons of the northern Malay peninsula
1287: the kingdoms of Sukothai, Payao and Chiangmai in Thailand strikes an alliance
1288: the Vietnamese army of Tran Hung Dao defeats the Mongols
1290: Singhasari king Kertanegara conquers Bali, the whole of Java and parts of Sumatra (Indonesia)
1292: Marco Polo is the first European visitor to Indonesia and founds Muslims already established in Sumatra
1292: Kertanegara of East Java is overthrown and killed by the prince of Kediri
1292: Thais conquer the Mons of Chiangmai and found a new kingdom in northern Thailand
1293: the Mongols attack Singhasari with help from Kertanagara’s son Wijaya/Vijaya, but Wijaya (Kertarajasa Jayawardhana) defeats both and founds the kingdom of Majapahit (Trowulan) in Java (Indonesia)
1297: Malek Saleh of Sumatra (Indonesia) converts to Islam
1300: the Shans defeat the Mongols in Burma
1312: Shan king Thihathura establishes the capital of his northern Burmese kingdom at Pinya
1312: Annam’s king Tran Anhton conquers and annexes Champa in Vietnam
1315: a rebel Shan founds the kingdom of Sagaing in Burma
1317: Sukothai’s king Ramkamhaeng/ Rama Khambeng dies and is replace by his son Lo Tai
1323: Che Anan declares the independence of Champa from Annam in Vietnam and founds a new dynasty
1328: Wijaya/Vijaya/Kertarajasa dies and Majapahit’s confederation collapses
1330: Gaja Mada is appointed chief minister of Majapahit and wields more power than the king
1343: Majapahit reconquers Bali (Indonesia)
1347: Thinhkaba declares the independece of the principality of Toungoo in Burma
1350: Cambodia converts to Theravada Buddhism
1350: Majapahit under prime minister Gajah Mada conquers northern Sumatra (Indonesia)
1350: Hayam Wuruk expands the kingdom of Java to most of Indonesia
1351: Ramadhipati/ Rama Thibodi I creates a new kingdom in southern Thailand, the Siam kingdom with capital at Ayutthaya, and subdues Sukothai’s king Lo Taid
1353: the kingdom of Lan Xang/ Luang Prabang is founded in northern Laos by Fa Ngoun, a Thai who introduces Theravada Buddhism into Laos
1360: Che Bong Nga seizes power in Champa
1363: Sultan Muhammad Shah founds the sultanate of Brunei in Borneo
1364: Thadominbya, a descendent of the Shans of Sagaing, establishes the capital of nothern Burma at Ava
1364: Gaja Mada of Majapahit dies
1368: Mingyi Swasawke becomes king of Ava in Burma
1369: the Mons of southern Burma move their capital to Pegu/Bago
1371: Che Bong Nga of Champa attacks the kingdom of Annam in Vietnam and raids Hanoi
1373: Laos’ king Fa Ngoun is overthrown after having created one of the largest states in Indochina
1377: Majapahit conquers Palembang in Sumatra (Indonesia)
1377: Ava’s king Mingyi Swasawke has Pyanchi of Toungoo murdered in Burma
1378: the Siam kingdom of Ayutthaya annexes Sukothai
1385: Razadarit becomes king of the Mons in Pegu (Burma)
1380: Muslim traders invade the Philippines and impose Islam on Mindanao
1389: Majapahit conquers Palembang in Sumatra (Indonesia)
1398: Annam moves the capital from Hanoi to Thanh Hoa
1400: The Tran dynasty is deposed in Annam (north Vietnam)
1401: Minhkaung becomes king of Ava in Burma and fights both the Mons in the south and the Shans in the north
1402: during a war between Virabumi of East Java and Vikramavarddhana of Majapahit, the prince Paramesvara (Iskandar Syah), a Majapahit, founds a kingom at Melaka/Malacca in Malaysia and converts to Islam
1404: The Burmese of Ava conquer Arakan
1407: Ming China deposes the ruler of Palembang in Sumatra and assigns the city to Majapahit of Java
1407: Ming China intervenes in Vietnam to stop Annam (north Vietnam) from conquering Champa (south Vietnam)
1409: the emperor of China recognizes Paramesvara (now renamed Megat Iskandar Shah) as king of Melaka/Malacca in Malaysia
1413: the Chinese reoccupy north Vietnam
1418: Le Loi organizes Annam’s resistance against Ming China
1424: Boromoraja seizes power in Siam (Thailand)
1424: Paramesvara (now renamed Megat Iskandar Shah), king of Melaka/Malacca in Malaysia, dies and is succeeded by his son
1428: Le Loi (Le Thai To) defeats the Chinese army and founds the second Le dynasty in Annam (north Vietnam)
1430: Narameikhla liberates Arakan (western Burma) from the Burmese and builds a capital at Mrauk-U
1431: the kingdom of Siam under Boromoraja destroys the Khmer empire and Angkor is abandoned
1441: China sends an army to fight the Shans in northern Burma
1441: Jyaya Simhavarman V dies and civil war erupts in the kingdom of Champa in Vietnam
1443: Narapati becomes king of Ava
1446: Rajah Kasim/ Muzaffar Shah, a Tamil Muslim, overthrows the kind in Melaka/Malacca but real power falls in the hands of Tun Perak who leads the conquest of the Malay peninsula and expands trade with Gujarat
1447: Majaphit king Kertawijaya converts to Islam (Indonesia)
1448: Siam’s king Boromoraja dies and is succeeded by his son Trailok
1451: a long war erupts between Siam and Chiangmai in Thailand
1454: China cedes part of the Shans’ northern Burma to Ava
1459: Arakan (western Burma) seizes Chittagong from Bengal
1460: Jambi converts to Islam
1470: Raja Muhammad, son of Sultan Mansur Shah of Melaka, establishes a new kingdom in Pahang (Malaysia)
1471: the Champa kingdom is conquered by Annam’s king Le Thanh Ton in Vietnam
1477: Alaudin Riayat Shah becomes sultan of Melaka
1478: the sultan of Demak conquers the Majapahit kingdom of Java (Indonesia)
1486: Minkyinyo becomes king of Toungoo in Burma
1488: Siam’s king Trailok dies and is succeeded by his son Boromoraja III
1498: Tun Perak, the real ruler of Malaysia, dies
1511: Portuguese admiral Albuquerque conquers Melaka/Malacca in Malaysia
1514: Under sultan Ali Mughayat Shah, reeling from the conquest of Melaka by the Christian Portuguese, Aceh (north Sumatra) profits that Muslim traders shift their routes to avoid Melaka
1519: Portugal establishes a trading post in Martaban, the Mon capital of southern Burma
1519: Mac Dang Dung seizes power in Annam (north Vietnam) even if the Le dynasty is theoretically still ruling the country
1520: Laos’ king Potisarat moves the capital from Luang Prabang to Vienchang/Vientiane
1526: Portuguese explorer Jorge de Meneses is the first European to set foot in New Guinea
1526: The Portuguese destroy what is left of the kingdom of former Melaka’s sultan Mahmud/Mansur Shah
1527: the sultan of Demak conquers the last Hindu kingdom in Java (Indonesia)
1527: the Le dynasty collapses in Annam (north Vietnam) and the Mac seize power
1527: the Shans sack Ava in Burma
1528: Raja Muzaffar Shah, the eldest son of the last Sultan of Melaka (Mahmud/Mansur Shah), establishes a new kingdom in Perak (Malaysia)
1528: Alaudin Riayat Shah II, another son of Mahmud/Mansur Shah, establishes the kingdom of Johore in Malaysia
1528: Muzaffar Shah another son of Mansur Shah, establishes the kingdom of Perak in Malaysia
1530: Aceh (north Sumatra)’s sultan Ali Mughayat Shah dies and is succeeded by his son Alauddin Riayat Shah that expands the kingdom on most of Sumatra and part of the Malaysian peninsula
1531: Tabinshwehti founds a dynasty with capital at Toungoo/Taunggu (Burma) and unifies Burma
1533: Nguyen Kim restores the Le dynasty in Annam (north Vietnam) and the Mac withdraw to the Tongking (Hanoi)
1535: Northern Java is completely Muslim, mainly dominated by the kingdom of Demak
1539: Tabinshwehti conquers the Mon Pegu of southern Burma
1541: Tabinshwehti completes his conquest of the Mons of southern Burma
1542: Spain occupies the Philippines
1545: Tabinshwehti defeats the Shans in Burma
1545: Laos’ king Potisarat invades Chiengmai and installs his son Settatirat as king
1545: Nguyen Kim of Annam is assassinated and Trinh Kiem succeeds him
1541: Burmese king Tabinshwehti moves the capital to Pegu
1547: Laos’ king Potisarat dies and is succeeded by his son Settatirat
1550: Tabinshwehti of Burma dies and is succeeded by his enemy Bayinnaung
1555: the Burmese king Bayinnaung conquers Ava
1556: the Burmese king Bayinnaung conquers Chiengmai and unifies Burma
1556: First Portuguese settlement in Timor
1558: the Burmese king Bayinnaung invades the kingdom of Lan Na in Thailand
1568: the sultanate of Bantam is founded in West Java (Indonesia) by a Muslim, Hassan Udin
1569: Burmese king Bayinnaung conquers the kingdom of Ayutthaya in Thailand/Siam
1570: Trinh Kiem of Annam dies and the kingdom is divided between the three families of Mac (in Tongking), Trihn (Thanh Hoa) and Nguyen (Hue)
1571: Spain establishes its colonial capital in Manila (Philippines)
1574: Burmese king Bayinnaung invades the kingdom of Lan Xang (Laos) but is defeated
1575: Burmese king Bayinnaung invades the kingdom of Laos for the second time and installs a puppet king
1581: Kyai Ageng Pemanahan founds the second kingdom of Mataram (Central Java)
1581: Burmese king Bayinnaung dies having conquered most of Burma and Thailand, and is succeeded by Nanda Bayin
1584: king Naresuen/ Pra Naret regains Siam’s independence from Burma, with capital at Ayutthaya
1587: the first British visitor arrives in Burma, Ralph Fitch
1591: Laos declares its independence from Burma under king Nokeo Koumane with capital in Vientiane
1592: Laos’ king Nokeo Koumane defeats Burma’s king Nanda Bayin
1592: Trihn Tong reconquers the Tongking (Hanoi) from the Mac and reunites north Vietnam, while the Nguyen rule from Hue on Annam (and also on Champa)
1593: Trinh Tong of Annam moves the capital back to Hanoi
1594: Siam/Thai’s king Naresuen invades Cambodia that becomes a Siamese protectorate
1595: Jan-Huygen van Linschoten published detailed instructions for navigating to the East Indies
1595: The first Dutch expedition reaches Indonesia, commanded by Cornelis de Houtman (the trip takes 14 months and costs the lives of 100 sailors)
1597: The first Dutch expedition returns from Indonesia (two years and four months later after leaving, and with only 89 of the original 249 men)
1598: Jacob Van Neck leads a Dutch expedition that reaches Indonesia in “only” six months
1599: Toungoo in Burma rebels against king Nanda Bayin, kills him and conquers his capital Pegu (southern Burma)
1599: the East India Company is established by Britain
1600: Nguyen Hoang secedes from the Trinh in Annam (north Vietnam)
1600: Portuguese mercenary Philip de Brito occupies the Burmese port of Syriam
1601: James Lancaster leads the first British cargo to the East Indies (the trip takes 14 months one way) and establishes a British factory at Bantam (West Java)
1602: the Dutch East India Company (VOC, Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie) is established by Holland
1605: Gowa in the island of Celebes/Sulawesi (Indonesia) converts to Islam
1605: Anaukpetlun becomes king of Ava in upper Burma
1607: Aceh (north Sumatra)’s sultan Iskandar Muda Shah launches a campaign of conquest in Sumatra and Malaysia
1608: Holland opens a factory at Ayuttaya in Siam/Thailand
1609: A Thai delegation travels to Holland, the first Thais to set foot in Europe
1610: Holland opens a factory in Arakan (western Burma)
1611: The British established diplomatic relationships with Siam
1613: Ava’s king Anaukpetlun of northern Burma captures Syriam and executes Toungoo’s king Nat Shin Naung and the Portuguese mercenary Philip de Brito
1613: Nguyen Phuc-Nguyen ascends to the throne of Hue/Annam (Vietnam)
1614: Macao-based Jesuits expelled by Japan migrate to Faifo, the main port of the kingdom of Hanoi/Tongking (north Vietnam)
1615: Ava’s king Anaukpetlun of northern Burma captures Chiengmai from Burma
1617: Jan-Pieterszoon Coen is appointed governor of the VOC in Indonesia
1618: Burma seizes Chiengmai from Siam while Cambodia declares its independence from Siam
1619: the Dutch found Batavia (Jakarta) and invite Chinese immigrants to develop it
1620: War erupts between the Nguyen of Hue/Annam and the Trinh of Hanoi/Tongking in Annam (north Vietnam)
1620: Aceh (north Sumatra) conquers Perak in Malaysia
1621: Mataram (central Java) sultan Sunan Agung embark on a holy war of territorial expansion in Indonesia
1625: Mataram (central Java) conquers Surabaya and controls most of Java
1629: Mataram (central Java) attacks the Dutch in Batavia but is defeated
1629: Melaka and Johore unite to defeat Aceh and stop its expansion in Malaysia
1629: Ava’s king Anaukpetlun of northern Burma is murdered and succeeded by his brother Thalun
1630: Pya Sri Worawong/Prasat Tong seizes power in Siam
1632: Japanese immigrants are massacred in Siam
1632: Hendrik Brouwer is appointed governor of the VOC in Indonesia
1633: Holland imposes a blockade on Melaka
1634: Holland opens a factory in Arakan (West Burma) and Ayuttaya (Siam)
1635: Holland opens its first factory in Burma at Syriam (under Ava’s king Thalun of northern Burma)
1636: Antonie van Diemen is appointed governor of the VOC in Indonesia
1636: Iskander Muda Shah dies and the northern Sumatran sultanate of Aceh begins to decline
1637: Holland opens a factory in Cambodia
1637: Souligna-Vongsa seizes power in Laos
1639: Holland signs a treaty with Aceh (north Sumatra) to allow them to trade with Perak in Malaysia
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1637: Soulinga Vongsa restores the kingdom of Lan Xang (Laos)
1639: Mataram (central Java) sultan Sunan Agung embark on a holy war against the two non-Muslim regions of Balambang (Sulawesi) and Bali but fails to take Bali that remains Hindu
1641: Holland conquers Melaka/Malacca in Malaya from Portugal, beginning the decline of the city and becoming the leading power in Indonesia
1641: Holland opens a factory in Laos
1641: Taj ul-Alam becomes the first female ruler (sultana) of Aceh (Indonesia)
1642: Dutch sailors discover a shorter route to the East Indies than the one used by the Portuguese
1645: VOC’s governor Van Diemen dies
1645: Mataram’s (central Java) sultan Sunan Agung dies and is succeeded by Amangkurat I
1646: sultan Agung of Mataram conquers all of Java except Bantam and Batavia (West Java)
1647: Britain opens its first factory in Burma at Syriam
1648: Ava’s king Thalun of northern Burma dies and is succeeded by his son Pindale
1650: Holland and Britain trade Banda in Indonesia for Manhattan in America
1651: Jesuit Alexandres de Rhodes invents a Latin script for Vietnamese
1651: Abulfatah/ Agung becomes sultan of Bantam (West Java)
1652: During a war between Holland and Britain, Holland destroys all British settlements in Burma
1653: Holland establishes a base in Timor
1653: Johan Maetsuycker, the former governor of Ceylon, is appointed governor of the VOC in Indonesia
1656: Siam’s king Prasat Tong dies and is succeeded by his son Narai
1658: The sultan of Palembang attack the Dutch factory but is defeated and becomes a Dutch protectorate
1658: The last Ming emperor flees to Burma, causing a civil war within Burma
1660: The Dutch East Indies Company claims New Guinea
1661: A coup replaces Ava’s king Pindale with his brother Pye in northern Burma
1662: The Societe de Missions Etrangeres is founded by French Catholics in Siam’s capital Ayuttaya, and sends missionaries to Cambodia and Vietnam
1663: Holland obtains the monopoly of the pepper trade in western Sumatra
1664: Chiengmai rebels against Siam and joins Burma again
1664: Siam’s king Narai grants Holland the monopoly of the trade in hides
1666: Holland subdues the Aceh sultanate in Sumatra
1666: The Mughals of India conquer Chittagong from Arakan (western Burma), causing the decline of Arakan
1667: Holland obtains Bantam (West Java) from Britain by the treaty of Breda
1668: Holland assumes control of the sultanate of Gowa (Indonesia)
1668: After defeating Makassar, Holland assumes control of Celebes/Sulawesi (Indonesia) and causes emigration and piracy among the Bugis of the island
1672: Ava’s king Pye dies and the Burmese kingdom declines
1672: The 52-year war between the Nguyen of Hue and the Trinh of Hanoi/Tongking in Annam (north Vietnam) ends
1673: Annam intervenes in Cambodia and installs two puppet kings, one in Udong (central Cambodia) and one, Ang Non, in Saigon (south Cambodia)
1677: Trunojoyo seizes power in Mataram (central Java) deposing sultan Amangkurat I
1679: Holland abandons its factories in Burma
1679: Ang Non, the king of Saigon (south Cambodia), tries to seize power in Udong (central Cambodia) but is repelled by Siam while Saigon remains under Annam (Vietnam)
1680: Civil war erupts in Bantam (West Java) between Abulfatah/ Agung and his son Haji
1680: France opens a factory in Siam’s capital Ayuttaya
1680: Mataram (Central Java) becomes a Dutch protectorate after Trunojoyo is dethroned and killed by Amangkurat II with help from Holland
1681: Holland quells a rebellion in Madura on behalf of Mataram (Central Java)
1682: Holland conquers Bantam (West Java) in Indonesia
1683: Haji becomes sultan of Bantam (West Java) with help from the VOC but Bantam becomes a protectorate of Holland, while the British withdraw to Bencoleen
1687: Siam declares war on Britain
1688: Siam’s king Narai falls ill and Pra Petraja seizes power
1692: The Chams of Champa rebel against their rulers the Nguyen of Hue/Annam but they are defeated
1699: the kingdom of Terangganu is founded in Malaysia by Zainal Abidin I
1700: Holland leaves its factory in Tongking and trade between Europe and Vietnam is limited to the Portuguese of Macao and the French missionaries
1700: Sai-Ong-Hue seizes power in Laos with help from the Vietnamese of Hue/Annam
1706: Holland captures Surabaya, thus controlling all of Java
1707: the Lan Xang kingdom splits into two kingdoms, Luang Phabang in northern Laos and Vientiane in southern Laos
1707: King-Kitsarat rebels against Sai-Ong-Hue in Laos and establishes a rival kingdom in Luang Prabang
1713: Champasack declares its independence from southern Laos
1714: Annam (Vietnam) gains control of the Chinese settlement of Hatien
1722: The Bugis (originally from Celebes/Sulawesi) help Daing Parani to seize power in Johore (Malaysia) and become the dominant force there
1724: The Bugis of Johore establish control over Kedah and Perak in Malaysia
1727: Chiengmai becomes part of Siam again
1731: Arakan’s king Sandawizaya is murdered and the kingdom plunges into anarchy
1733: Boromokot seizes power in Siam
1740: Holland massacres 10,000 Chinese in Batavia (Indonesia)
1740: The Bugis of Johore establish control over Selangor in Malaysia under Raja Luma
1743: Mataram signs a treaty with Holland ceding the north coast and moves its capital to Surakarta
1748: Holland assumes control of the sultanate of Bantan (Indonesia)
1749: Cambodia loses more territory to Annam (Vietnam)
1752: The Burmese capital Ava is conquered by the Mon kingdom of Pegu and the Toungoo dynasty ends
1753: Luang Prabang (Laos) is invaded by Burma
1755: Burmese king Alaungpaya liberates Ava from the Mons, founds the Konbaung dynasty, moves the capital to Shwebo and renames Dagon as Rangoon
1755: the kingdom of Mataram (Central Java) splits into two sultanates, with capitals in Surakarta and Yogyakarta, both under Dutch control
1755: the kingdom of Siak (central-eastern Sumatra) signs a treaty with Holland
1756: Burmese king Alaungpaya captures Syriam
1757: Burmese king Alaungpaya captures the Mon capital of Pegu and unifies the whole of Burma
1758: The Bugis of Johore (in Malaysia) sign a peace treaty with Holland ceding the monopoly of the tin trade
1758: Siam’s king Boromokot is succeeded by his son Boromoraja
1756: Holland signs a trade agreement with the sultan of Banjarmasin (Borneo) that de facto becomes a protectorate
1760: Burmese king Alaungpaya invades Siam but die on the way to Ayuttaya
1758: William Wilson discovers a passage to China between the Philippines and Formosa/Taiwan that increases the strategic importance of Borneo
1762: Britain acquires the island of Balambangan off the northern coast of Borneo from the Bugis sultan of Sulu
1763: Burmese king Hsinbyushin moves the capital from Shwebo back to Ava
1764: Burmese king Hsinbyushin conquers Luang Chang/Vientiane and Chiengmai from Siam
1766: China attacks Burma
1766: the kingdom of Selangor is founded in Malaysia by Sultan Lumu
1767: Burmese king Hsinbyushin captures Siam’s capital Ayuttaya
1767: Burma destroys Siam’s capital Ayutthaya, kills Siam’s king Boromoraja and Siam’s general Pya Thaksin establishes a new capital in Dhonburi (Bangkok)
1768: During the war between China and Burma, Siam’s leader Pya Thaksin liberates Ayuttaya
1769: Siam’s king Pya Thaksin invades Cambodia and installs a puppet king, Ang Non
1770: China and Burma sign a peace treaty
1771: Britain acquires a colony at Penang (Malaysia) from the sultan of Kedah
1773: The revolt of the Tayson brothers, led by Nguyen Van-nhac, threatens the kingdom of Annam
1773: the kingdom of Negeri Sembilan is founded in Malaysia by Raja Melawar, descendant of the Minangkabau of Sumatra
1775: the kingdom of Kelantan is founded in Malaysia by Long Yunus
1775: Pirates destroy the British settlement of Balambangan in Borneo
1776: Burmese king Hsinbyushin dies, Siam conquers Lan Na from Burma and the war ends with Pya Thaksin ruling over all of Siam
1777: The Tayson brothers, led by Nguyen Van-nhac, conquer Saigon of Annam and terminate the old Nguyen dynasty
1778: Siam annexes Vientiane (southern Laos) and Champasack, and reduces Luang Praban (northern Laos) to a Siamese protectorate
1779: A rebellion in Cambodia deposes Ang Non and installs Ang Tong
1782: A general seizes power in Siam, renames himself Rama I, and founds the Chakkri dynasty and the new capital Bangkok (across the river from Dhonburi)
1782: Bodawpaya seizes power in Burma
1783: Burmese king Bodawpaya moves the capital to Amarapura, near Ava
1784: Burmese king Bodawpaya invades Arakan and therefore extends Burma’s borders to British India
1784: Holland destroys the Bugis kingdoms of Malaysia (Johore, Selangor)
1785: Burma led by king Bodawpaya invades and destroys the kingdom of Arakan (western Burma), whose population emigrates massively to Chittagong
1786: The sultan of Kedah in Malaysia cedes Penang to Britain
1787: France signs a treaty with the deposed Hue/Annam king, Nguyen Anh, to recover the throne lost by him to the Tayson brothers
1788: The Tayson brothers conquer Tongking/Hanoi from the Trihn and split Vietnam in three kingdoms (Hanoi, Hue, Saigon), but Nguyen Anh and the French begin the invasion of the south
1791: African slaves rebel in Haiti, causing the collapse of the coffee economy in the West Indies and a boom in Java’s coffee exports
1796: After France invades Holland, Holland surrenders Melaka/Malacca, Sri Lanka and the Cape of Good Hope to Britain
1801: Nguyen Anh defeats the Tayson brothers and reconquers Hue with help from France, returning to the throne of Annam
1801: Chin Byan leads a revolt in Arakan (western Burma) against the Burmese occupation
1802: Nguyen Anh conquers Hanoi, reunifies Annam/Vietnam with capital at Hue and renames himself Gia Long
1802: The treaty of Amiens returns to Holland all the territories seized by Britain during the Napoleonic wars except for the Cape colony and Ceylon
1805: Stamford Raffles arrives at the British colony of Penang in Malaysia
1811: Britain invades the Dutch possessions in Indonesia and appoints Stanford Raffles governor
1812: Siam invades Cambodia when the king Ang Chan refuses to hand over power to Siam’s chosen successor, but Annam/Vietnam invades and reinstates Ang Chan
1815: at the end of the Napoleonic wars, Britain returns the colonies to Holland and Indonesia becomes a colony of Holland
1815: Chin Byan dies and the revolt of Arakan (western Burma) ends
1817: Burma invades Assam and installs a puppet king
1818: Stamford Raffles is appointed as the governor of Bencoolen on western Sumatra
1819: Hussein is proclaimed sultan of Johore with help from the British, and Stamford Raffles buys an island from the sultan of Johore and founds the British settlement of Singapore
1820: Annam/Vietnam’s king Nguyen Anh/ Gia Long dies and is succeeded by his son Minh-Mang, who adopts the Chinese model of centralized bureaucracy
1821: Siam invades Kedah in Malaysia
1824: Britain and Holland divide the East Indies with Sumatra, Java, Muluku, Sulawesi, Irian Jaya, south Borneo to Holland, Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo to Britain, and Aceh and Bali independent (“treaty of London”)
1824: Siam’s king Rama II dies and is succeeded by his son Nang Klao
1824: Britain declares war on Burma after Burma tries to invade India
1824: Britain recognizes Dutch rule on the western half of New Guinea
1825: A prince of Jogyakarta, Dipo Negoro, launches a guerrilla war against Holland in Indonesia (“Java war”)
1825: Holland conquers Palembang in Sumatra
1826: Melaka/Malacca, Penang and Singapore join in a British colony, the Straits Settlement, with capital in Penang
1826: Britain defeats Burma and seizes Arakan and Assam
1827: Vientiane (southern Laos) rebels but Siam crushes the rebellion
1830: Holland wins the Java War and annexes more territory from both Jogyakarta and Surakarta
1830: Holland appoints Johannes van den Bosch as the governor of Indonesia and he introduced a “Culture System” to tightly regulate what each district produces
1830: The population of Java is six million
1831: Siam invades Cambodia but Annam/Vietnam restores Ang Chan as king and annexes Tran Ninh/ Xiangkhoang (eastern Laos) from Siam
1832: Britain moves the capital of the Straits Settlement to Singapore
1833: Annam/Vietnam’s king Minh-Mang persecutes Christians
1834: Cambodia’s king Ang Chan dies and Annam/Vietnam appoints a princess, And Mey, as queen
1836: Siam annexes Luang Prabang (northern Laos)
1837: Burmese king Bagyidaw is deposed and his brother Tharrawaddy becomes king of Burma
1837: British explorers discover an overland route from Burma to China
1838: The sultan of Brunei asks British pirate James Brook for help against rebellious tribes
1841: British explorer James Brooke is appointed Rajah of Sarawak (northern Borneo) by the Sultan of Brunei
1833: Annam/Vietnam’s king Minh-Mang dies and is succeeded by Thieu-Tri, who continues the persecution of Christians
1841: the kingdom of Perlis is founded in Malaysia by Raja Syed Sapee
1841: Cambodia revolts against the Vietnamese occupiers
1843: The “Culture System” introduced by Holland in Java causes a famine
1844: Cambodia becomes a protectorate of Siam
1846: Tharrawaddy dies and Pagan Min becomes king of Burma
1848: The population of Java has increased from six million to 9.5 million since the introduction of the “Culture System”
1848: Annam/Vietnam’s king Thieu-Tri dies and is succeeded by Tu-Doc
1849: Sarawak’s ruler James Brooke destroys the pirates of Borneo
1851: Siam’s king Nang Klao dies and is succeeded by his brother Mongkut/ Rama IV, a Buddhist scholar who introduces Western ideas and methods into the kingdom
1851: Chanthakumanking/ Tiantha Koumane ascends to the throne of the Siamese protectorate of Luang Prabang (southern Laos)
1852: Britain takes Pegu and Rangoon from Burma
1853: Mindon Min seizes power in Burma
1855: Siam’s king Ram IV signs treaties with the European powers and the USA
1855: Siam’s king Rama III signs a trade treaty with Britain
1857: king Mindon moves the capital of Burma to the newly founded city of Mandalay
1857: Brooke quells a revolt by Chinese immigrants in Sarawak (Borneo)
1858: France invades Annam/Vietnam for the first time and obtains three eastern provinces
1858: Holland annexes Siak in Sumatra
1859: Holland cedes East Timor to Portugal
1860: King Norodom becomes king of Cambodia, vassal of Siam
1860: Burma mints the first coins
1860: Korean peasant mystic Choe Cheu founds a new religion, “Tonghak
1861: Siam mints the first coins
1861: a French explorer discovers the ruins of Angkor
1862: The “Culture System” for pepper is abandoned by Holland
1862: Arakan and Pegu are united in the province of British Burma with capital in Rangoon, that rapidly becomes a prosperous city
1863: Cambodia under king Norodom becomes a protectorate of France
1863: The “Culture System” for clove and nutmeg is abandoned by Holland
1863: Holland annexes the sultanate of Banjermasin in southern Borneo
1864: Chinese refugees (called Ho) pour into Indochina and organize into armed bands
1864: The region around Saigon (Cochin China) is declared a colony by France
1866: The most lucrative cultures in Indonesia are coffee and sugar, neither of them native to Indonesia
1866: France seizes more provinces of Annam/Vietnam
1866: French explorer Francis Garnier navigates the Mekong upstream to China
1866: Koreans massacre French missionaries and France bombs Korea
1867: France signs a treaty with Siam recognizing French rule over Cambodia and France recognizing Siam’s rule over Angkor
1868: Rama V (Chulalongkorn) becomes king of Siam and carries out reforms, abolishing the feudal system and slavery
1868: Siam’s king Rama IV dies and is succeeded by his son Chulalongkorn/ Rama V, who introduces Western fashion but has 34 sons and 43 daughters
1868: Holland conquers Bencoleen in Sumatra
1868: during the fifth Buddhist council in Mandalay (Burma) the Pali scriptures are inscribed in marble
1869: Egypt opens the Suez canal, which increases the strategic importance of Aceh in northern Sumatra
1870: An agrarian law by Holland ushers in the age of private enterprise in Indonesia
1871: Britain allows Holland to invade Aceh (northern Sumatra) in return for Holland’s colonies in West Africa
1871: Burmese king Mindon Min convenes in Mandalay the fifth Buddhist council
1873: Holland launches its invasion of Aceh in northern Sumatra
1873: Holland completes the first railway in Java
1874: The Malaysian states of Perak, Selangor and Sungei Ujong become British protectorates, reporting to the governor of the Straits Settlements, with their economic development assigned to the Chinese communities
1874: Siam’s king Rama V outlaws the slave trade and slavery by birth
1877: Britain introduces rubber in Malaysia
1878: Mindon Min dies and is succeeded by Thibaw
1880: Britain introduces a “Resident System” for the Malay states that have become protectorates, starting an economic boom (railwas, roads, telegraph, banks, hospitals) and massive Chinese immigration
1882: Britain declares Sabah in Borneo a British protectorate
1882: France invades Annam/Vietnam and conquers Hanoi
1883: Annam/ Vietnam becomes a French protectorate, and France returns the provinces that it had occupied
1883: Siam occupies Tran Ninh/ Xiangkhoang (eastern Laos) from Vietnam to defeat the Ho
1883: Holland begins drilling for oil in Indonesia (Sumatra, Java, Borneo)
1883: the eruption of a volcano off the coast of Java (Indonesia) annihilates the island of Krakatoa
1884: War erupts between France and China over the borders of Annam/Vietnam and France invades Formosa/Taiwan
1884: Germany claims northeastern New Guinea, while Britain claims the southeastern part
1885: France and China signs a treaty recognizing French authority in Annam/Vietnam and returning Formosa/Taiwan to China
1885: Britain captures Mandalay, terminates the Alaungpaya dynasty of Thibaw Min, burns the royal treasury and unites Burma with British Burma
1887: The French colonies of Cochin China, Annam, Cambodia and Tongking are united as the Indochinese Union
1888: Britain declares Sarawak and Brunei in Borneo a British protectorate
1888: The Malaysian state of Pahang becomes a British protectorates, reporting to the governor of the Straits Settlements
1888: France defeats the Ho rebels in northern Vietnam and northern Laos, also annexing territory formerly controlled by Siam
1891: Eugene Dubois discovers the skull of an ancient hominid (“Pithecantropus Erectus”) in Java
1893: Siam cedes the territories east of the Mekong river (Laos) to France and Laos becomes a protectorate of France
1894: Holland conquers Lombok in Indonesia
1895: The nine Malay states of Minangkabau join in the confederation of Negri Sembilan that becomes a British protectorate, part of the federation with Perak, Selangor and Pahang
1897: Britain organizes the first conference of Malay rulers in history
1897: France appoints Paul Doumer as the governor of Indochina, which is organized in one colony (Cochin-China) and four protectorates (Annam, Tongking, Laos, Cambodia)
1897: France builds a railway from Vietnam to China
1897: The railway from Bangkok to Ayuttaya is built in Thailand
1898: The USA wins the Philippines (besides Cuba and Puerto Rico) from Spain after killing 220,000 Filipinos
1899: British Malaysia exports almost half of the world’s tin
1899: Germany moves its operations from New Guinea to the Bismarck Archipelago
1899: Holland conquers Aceh but the leaders continue a guerrilla war
1900: The exports of Holland’s Indonesia have more than doubled in 30 years
1900: Raden Adjeng Kartini founds a school for girls in Indonesia
1900: British investors revolutionize the rubber industry of Malaysia that has been until now dominated by the Chinese
1904: Holland invades the kingdom of Jambi in Indonesia
1904: Phan Boi Chau founds the Vietnamese Reformation Society and leads protests against the French
1906: Holland invades Bali
1906: Burmese intellectuals found the Young Men’s Buddhist Association in Burma, a nationalist anti-British movement
1906: British New Guinea is assigned to Australia
1907: Holland breaks the last resistance of Aceh’s old leaders in Indonesia, thereby completing the conquest of Sumatra
1907: Siam surrenders to France the Cambodian province around Angkor
1907: The boom of rubber makes Malaysia rich, attracting immigrants from China and India
1908: Holland invades the kingdom of Bali in Indonesia
1908: Waidin Sudira Usada founds the first nationalist association of Indonesia, Budi Utomo
1909: A treaty between Siam and Britain assigns Kedah and other northern Malaysian states to Britain, that now controls the Straits Settlements (Singapore, Melaka, Penang), the Malay federation (Negri Sembilan, Perak, Selangor and Pahang) and the unfederated states of Kedah, Johore, etc
1910: Siam’s king Rama V dies and is succeeded by his son Maha Vajiravudh
1911: Omar Said Tjokro Aminoto founds Sarekat Islam in Indonesia, an Islamic movement whose main target are the Chinese traders that exploit the Muslim batik workers
1917: Siam allies with Great Britain during World War I
1917: Holland’s “Culture System” for coffee is abandoned, ending the era of forced cultures in Indonesia
1920: British Malaysia exports more than 50% of the world’s rubber
1920: Britain obtains northeastern New Guinea from Germany
1921: Semaun founds the Communist Party of Indonesia (Perserikatan Komunist India)
1925: Siam’s king Vajiravudh dies and is succeeded by his brother Prajadhipok, the 76th child of their father
1927: Achmad Sukarno founds the Nationalist Party (Perserikatan National Indonesia) with the mission to gain independence for Indonesia
1929: Holland arrests Achmad Sukarno
1929: Oil is discovered in Brunei
1930: Nguyen Ai Quoc/ Ho Chi Minh founds the Indochinese Communist Party
May 1930: Ba Thoung founds the communist and nationalist Dobama Asiayone Movement or Thakin in Burma
1930: Anti-French riots in Vietnam
Apr 1930: The Malay Communist Party is founded
1932: King Prajadhipok of Siam (Thailand) is overthrown by PridiBanomyong and a constitution is introduced
1933: Another coup in Siam installs general Pya Bahol new head of the country
1935: The USA grants the Philippines independence and Manuel Quezon becomes the first president
1935: Britain makes Burma a separate colony from India and grants it a parliamentary system with Ba Maw as prime minister
1937: Aung San becomes the charismatic leader of the communist Thakins in Burma
1938: Malaysia produces 29% of the world’s tin
1938: parliament forces Pya Bahol to resign and Pibun Songgram is appointed prime minister of Siam/Thailand
1939: Siam changes its name to Thailand
1939: Ho Chi Minh’s communist movement renamed itself the Viet Minh, against Japan
1940: Japan invades Vietnam
1940: Thailand under Pibun allies with Japan
Aug 1940: Burmese nationalist Aung San flees Burma to Japan
1941: Japan invades the Philippines
1941: The Chinese constitute the majority of the population in Singapore, while Malaysia is 49% Malay, 38% Chinese and 13% Indian
1941: The University of Batavia is founded in Indonesia
1941: Norodom Sihanouk becomes king of Cambodia
1941: Ho Chi Minh leads a guerrilla force, the Viet Minh, against Japan
1941: Japan invades Thailand
Dec 1941: The Burmese communist militia under Aung San joins the Japanese
1942: Japan invades Java
1942: Japan invades Singapore
1942: Thailand declares war on Britain and invades Laos, Cambodia and Malaysia
1942: Japan occupies Cambodia
1942: Japan invades Burma
1943: Japan declares Burma’s independence under a puppet regime
1943: Japan declares the independence of the Philippines under a puppet regime
1943: Japan appoints Sukarno in charge of Java’s government
Aug 1943: Ba Maw unilaterally declares the independence of Burma from Britain
1944: Thailand’s prime minister Pibun is replaced by Pridi
Mar 1945: The Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), led by Aung San, turns against the Japanese
1945: Japan occupies Laos
August 1945: The Viet Minh liberate Vietnam and Ho Chi Minh declares Vietnam’s independence
September 1945: Vietnam’s regime liquidates Trotskyists such as Ta Tu Thau
1945: Indonesian independence leader Achmad Sukarno declares independence and begins to fight the Dutch
1946: France attacks the Viet Minh at Haiphong killing 6,000 civilians
May 1946: Dato Onn bin Jafar founds the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) to fight British colonialism
1946: Sukarno repels a communist coup in Java
1946: King Ananda of Thailand is assassinated and Phibun Songkhram becomes dictator
1946: In Cambodia communist guerrillas begin a liberation war against France
1946: In Malaysia the communism party is banned
Jul 1947: National Burmese hero Aung San is assassinated by order of former prime minister U Saw
1947: A coup reinstalls Pibun as prime minister of Thailand
Mar 1947: Chin Peng is elected leader of the Malay Communist Party
Jan 1948: Burma becomes independent with U Nu as prime minister and Sao Shwe Thaik as president but the Karens determine to fight for their own independence
1948: The Federation of Malaysia is born under British rule but communists stage violent uprisings
1948: France appoints emperor Bao Dai as president of Vietnam
1948: Khuang Aphaiwong wins national elections in Thailand
Dec 1948: British troops massacre 24 ethnic Chinese at Batang Kali in Malaysia
Dec 1949: Holland recognises the independence of the Republik Indonesia Serikat (United States of Indonesia), comprising Sukarno’s state in Java
1949: The Karen launch an insurrection against the central government of Burma
1950: Sukarno seizes power over the whole of Indonesia
1950: France has 150,000 troops in Vietnam
1950: France uses napalm against the Viet Mihn at Tien Yen
1950: Vietnam’s independence is recognised by China and USSR
1950: Britain resettles 500,000 Chinese of Malaysia to eradicate the communist guerrilla
1951: Malaysia’s civil war against the British kills more than one thousand people including the British governor Henry Gurney
1952: A British newspaper publishes pictures of atrocities committed by British troops in Malaysia against ethnic Chinese rebels
1953: King Sihanouk declares independence in Cambodia from France
1953: North Vietnam launches a “land reform” campaign that will kill more than 200,000 people in 4 years
1954: after the Viet Minh defeat France at Dieu Bieu Phu (thousands die on both sides), the Viet Minh and France sign a peace treaty dividing Vietnam into North and South, and scheduling a general election for 1956 (76,000 French soldiers have died)
1954: Lee Kuan Yew founds the socialist-leaning People’s Action Party in the British colony of Singapore
July 1954: the USA installs Ngo Dinh Diem as president of South Vietnam
1954: Laos becomes an independent country, but communist guerrillas, the Pathet Lao, try to overthrow King Savang Vatthana
1955: Ngo Dinh Diem deposes the emperor Bao Dai and names himself president of South Vietnam after rigged elections (he wins 98.2% of the votes)
1955: Indonesia holds the first conference of non-aligned countries (including India’s prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, China’s Zou Enlai and Egypt’s president Gamal Abdel Nasser)
1955: An alliance of UMNO, Malayan Chinese Association and Malayan Indian Congress win a landslide victory in Malaysia’s elections
1956: Burmese leader U Nu and Indonesian president Sukarno are among the founders of the Movement of Non-Aligned States
1956: The South Vietnamese government of Ngo Dinh Diem arrests dissidents and refuses the referendum on unification with North Vietnam, while the Vietminh start a guerrilla war
1957: The Vietcong communist guerrillas begin to fight against the Diem government in South Vietnam
Feb 1957: Sukarno of Indonesia launches “nasakom”, a mix of nationalism, Islam and communism as opposed to parliamentary democracy
Aug 1957: Malaysia becomes independent and Tunku Abdul Rahman becomes its first prime minister
1957: Indonesian students are invited by the Ford Foundation to study Economics at UC Berkeley in California (the “Berkeley mafia”) br>October 1958: North Vietnam launches its own “Great Leap Forward” modeled after China’s
1959: North Vietnam offers military assistance to the Vietcong via the “Ho Chi Min trail”
1959: the South Vietnamese rebels kill 1,200 government officials
1959: anti-Chinese riots in Indonesia
1959: Lee Kuan Yew’s People’s Action Party wins democratic elections in the British colony of Singapore
1960: The USA offer military assistance to South Vietnam
1960: Singapore has high unemployment and poor education
1961: Burmese official U Thant is elected secretary-general of the United Nations
1961: The Pathet Lao occupy half of Laos
1961: Indonesia begins persecution of West Papua
1961: The Economic Development Board is established in Singapore to guide economic growth and an industrial park is created by finance minister Goh Keng Swee
1961: the USA has 3,000 soldiers in Vietnam
TM, ®, Copyright © 2005 Piero Scaruffi All rights reserved.
1962: A military coup in Burma removes U Nu and installs a communist dictatorship led by general Ne Win
1962: Indonesia invades the Western part of New Guinea
1962: Following a summit between Kennedy and Krushev, Laos is de facto divided in two
1963: Sabah and Sarawak join the federation of Malaysia
1963: the South Vietnamese government cracks down on Buddhists assembled in Hue to celebrate the 2527th birthday of the Buddha, after which the CIA orchestrates a coup that replaces Diem with Nguyen Van Thieu,
June 1963: Buddhist monk Thich Quang Duc sets himself on fire in a busy street of Saigon, Vietnam
July 1963: Cambodian communist leader Saloth Sar (Pol Pot) flees Pnomh Penh and organizes the Khmer Rouge in the countryside
1964: The “Tonkin Gulf Incident” (presented by the USA as an attack on its warships) triggers a massive escalation of USA intervention in Vietnam
1965: The USA dispatches 200,000 soldiers to South Vietnam and begins bombing raids on North Vietnam
1965: King Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia allies with North Vietnam
Aug 1965: Lee Kuan Yew becomes prime minister of the newly independent state of Singapore
1965: Thailand allies with the USA against North Vietnam
1965: The US begins a secret bombing campaign of Laos
1965: American students conduct anti-war demonstrations in campuses
1965: Communist guerrillas try to seize Sarawak from Malaysia
Oct 1965: A failed coup by generals against Indonesia’s Sukarno is used as a pretext by his general Suharto to unleash a campaign against the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) that kills 500,000 people
1965: Ferdinand Marcos becomes dictator of the Philippines
Mar 1966: Sukarno is stripped of his powers and his general Mohammed Suharto de facto seizes power in Indonesia
Oct 1966: Suharto enacts economic reforms in Indonesia designed by the “Berkeley mafia”
1967: The USA increase its presence in South Vietnam to 500,000 soldiers
1967: Widjojo Nitisastro, the senior member of the “Berkeley mafia”, is appointed Minister of Planning in Indonesia
1967: Cambodia crushes the Samlauth revolt
1967: The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is founded by Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand
1968: The Vietcong and North Vietnam (the “Tet Offensive”) begin a joint attack against the USA in South Vietnam
1968: Singapore launches a plan to woe foreign multinationals
Mar 1968: US troops massacre 500 civilians at My Lai
1969: The USA begins a secret bombing campaign of Cambodia that will kill tens of thousands of peasants
1969: Texas Instruments, National and Fairchild open plants in Singapore
May 1969: Chinese and Malays riot in Malaysia (177 people are killed), leading Mahathir Mohamad to start an anti-Chinese campaign
1969: Ho Chi Minh dies and is succeeded as president of North Vietnam by Ton Duc Thang
1969: A huge crowd marches on Washington to demand an end to the Vietnam war
March 1970: General Lon Nol removes prince Sihanouk and assumes power in Cambodia
1970: The USA invades Cambodia
1970: Tunku Abdul Rahman resigns and Tun Abdul Razak becomes prime minister of Malaysia
1970: Indonesian independence hero Sukarno dies
1971: King Sihanouk of Cambodia, exiled in China, allies with the communist guerrillas (the “Khmer Rouge”) to fight Lon Nol
1971: South Vietnam invades Laos
1971: Malaysia’s prime minister Abdul Razak introduces racial preference for majority Malays to stem the economic influence of the ethnic Chinese population (the “NEP”)
1972: Muslim separatists (Moro National Liberation Front) carry out a terrorist campaign in the Philippines
January 1972: Cambodia’s government troops are decimated by the Khmer Rouge during operation Chenla-II
1973: Student riots in Thailand
January 1973: The USA and North Vietnam reach an agreement to end the war
April 1975: The Vietcong complete the conquest of South Vietnam and unify the country under president Ton Duc Thang, while the Khmer Rouge take control of Cambodia (ordering the total evacuation of Pnomh Penh)
1975: The Pathet Lao seizes power in Laos and Kaysone Phomvihane becomes prime minister
1975: The Khmer Rouge, led by Pol Pot, enter Phnom Penh and install a repressive communist regime
1975: In Burma several guerrilla movements begin fighting the communist dictatorship
1975: Portugal grants East Timor independence
December 1975: The Khmer Rouge begin to liquidate political enemies
Dec 197Dec 1975: Indonesia invades East Timor and annexes it, while Fretilin (Frente Revolucion ria de Timor-Leste Independente) starts a liberation war
March 1976: Pol Pot of Cambodia appears in public for the first time (the opposite of Mao’s cult of personality)
1976: Pol Pot, leader of the Khmer Rouge, orders widespread repression of Cambodians, that kills 1.7 million civilians in three years (34% of all men and 16% of women, 48% of Catholics and 40% of Muslims, 28% of the ethnic Chinese and 38% of the ethnic Vietnamese, 500 thousand executed, 500 thousand dead in prison and 700 thousand killed by hunger or disease)
1976: In Aceh (northern Sumatra) Muslim separatists of the GAM begin fighting for independence from Indonesia (12,000 people will die in 25 years)
1977: Famine and purges kill hundreds of thousands in Cambodia
1977: Philippines dictator Marcos has dissident Benigno Aquino arrested, sentenced to death and then de-facto exiled
1977: Mahathir Mohamad is appointed minister of finance
September 1977: The Khmer Rouge finally admit the existence of the local Communist Party
May 1978: Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge exterminate more than 200,000 people in the east, following an insurrection
1978: More than 100,000 people flee Vietnam on boats (“boat people”)
1978: Indonesia appoints Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie minister for research and technology to promote high-tech projects
1978: The Hai Hong, an old cargo boat overloaded with refugees trying to leave Vietnam, becomes the first internationally known case of “boat people”
1978: British New Guinea becomes the independent state of Papua New Guinea
January 1979: Vietnam invades Cambodia to restore order
1979: China invades Vietnam but is defeated
1979: Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge begin a guerrilla war against the Vietnamese from the jungle where they have retreated
1980: General Prem Tinsulanonda becomes leader of Thailand
1980: Malaysia’s finance minister Mahathir Mohamad creates the Heavy Industries Corporation of Malaysia Berhad (HICOM) to promote heavy industry
1980: Thousands of skulls are exumated from the Khmer Rouge’s mass graves at Choeung Ek
1981: Mahathir Mohamad becomes prime minister of Malaysia
1981: An Indonesian passenger ship catches fire and sinks, killing 580 people
1981: East Asia has the highest poverty rate in the world
1983: Benigno Aquino returns to the Philippines and is murdered
1983: The “Berkeley mafia” deregulates Indonesia’s economy to attract international capital
1983: in Malaysia the Indonesian cleric Abu Bakar Bashir (or Ba’aysir) founds Jemaah Islamiyah, a clandestine organization whose goal is the establishment of a pan-Islamic state all over Southeast Asia.
1984: Brunei declares its independence from Britain
1984: Indonesia becomes self-sufficient in rice for the first time in its history
1985: Hun Sen becomes prime minister of Cambodia
1985: Economic boom of the Asian “tigers” (Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, Malaysia)
1985: Malaysia’s Proton introduces its first car
1986: Corazon Aquino ousts dictator Marcos who has to flee the country
1986: Vietnamese party leader Nguyen Van Linh introduces liberal reforms and frees thousands of political prisoners
1986: Laos introduces market-oriented reforms
1987: a Philippine ferry and an oil tanker collide, killing 4341 people
1988: Anti-government riots in Burma leave thousands dead
1988: General Chatichai Choonhaven replaces Prem at the helm of Thailand
1988: The Bougainville Revolutionary Army begins an insurrection in Papua New Guinea
1989: In Burma the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) declares martial law and arrests thousands of dissidents
1989: Vietnam withdraws from Cambodia
1989: the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) is founded to bring together the USA, Japan, Australia, Canada, Thailand, Singapore, South Korea, Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, New Zealand
1990: In the first general elections of Burma the National League for Democracy wins a landslide victory
1990: Burmese democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of Aung San, is put under house arrest
1990: Mahatir signs a peace treaty with the communist guerrillas and a period of economic growth begins for Malaysia
2004: Goh Chok Tong succeeds Singapore’s patriarch Lee Kuan Yew as prime minister
1991: A coup creates political chaos in Thailand
1991: Anwar Ibrahim is appointed finance minister in Malaysia
1991: Burmese dissident Aung San Suu Kyi is awarded the Nobel peace prize
1991: Khamtai Siphandon becomes prime minister of Laos
1991: The United Nations brokers a truce between the Cambodian government and the Khmer Rouge and installs a government led by King Sihanouk
1992: The Moro National Liberation Front, the main Muslim movement fighting for Muslim self rule in the Mindanao region, accepts peace talks with the Philipino government, but a hard-line splinter group of radical Muslims who fought in Afghanistan against the Soviet Union, creates Abu Sayyaf (named after an Afghan mujahedin hero) unleashing a campaign of bombings, massacres and kidnappings
1992: Than Shwe is appointed chairman of SLORC in Burma
1993: Prince Norodom Ranariddh wins the first free elections in Cambodia
1994: Abu Sayyaf terrorists hijack a Philippines Airlines jet
1994: The Cambodian government proclaims an amnesty for the Khmer Rouge guerrillas who surrender
1994: Laos and Thailand open a “friendship bridge” linking the two countries
1995: Vietnam and the USA restore diplomatic relations
1995: Malaysia announces the “Multimedia Super Corridor”
1995: Vietnam joins ASEAN
1995: Suharto of Indonesia appoints Prabowo Subianto as head of the Kopassus, Indonesia’s secret police
1996: The inauguration of the Petrona Towers in Kuala Lumpur, the tallest buildings in the world, mark the economic success of Malaysia
1996: Malaysia’s Proton purchases British sport car manufacturer Lotus
1996: Malaysia embarks in the construction of the Multimedia Supercorridor
1996: Jose Ramos-Horta of East Timor receives the Nobel Prize for Peace
1997: Hun Sen removes Prince Ranariddh of Cambodia from power with a coup
1997: Laos joins ASEAN
1997: Tran Duc Luong becomes president of Vietnam
1997: Burma joins ASEAN
Jul 1997: The stock markets and currencies of Southeast Asian “melt down” (“Asian financial crisis”)
1997: Tran Duc Luong is appointed president of Vietnam by the communist party
1998: Pol Pot dies
1998: South Korea’s GDP shrinks by 7%, Thailand’s by 10%, Indonesia’s 13%, while unemployment triples in Thailand, quadruples in South Korea and multiplies tenfold in Indonesia
1998: Mahathir fires Anwar Ibrahim in Malaysia
1998: Vietnam joins the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
May 1998: Riots that kill 1,188 people (mostly directed against the Chinese ethnic group and probably architected by Prabowo’s Kopassus) cause the fall of the Suharto regime in Indonesia with the generals choosing Jusuf Habibie as the caretaker president who relieves Prabowo of the command of Kopassus
1999: Abu Bakar Bashir returns to Indonesia from exile and founds the Mujahideen Council, a federation of terrorist groups with the aim to make Indonesia a purely Islamic state, that begins training a private army to help Muslims persecuting Christians in the Moluccas (hundreds of Christians are massacred by Islamic militia)
1999: Ethnic violence breaks out in several islands of the Indonesian archipelago
1999: Malaysia arrests Anwar Ibrahim, now a dissident, on charges of corruption and sodomy
1999: East Timor becomes independent under the protection of the United Nations after almost 200,000 people have been killed in the war against Indonesia
1999: a ferry sinks killing over 200 people in Bangladesh
Jun 1999: Indonesia holds its first democratic election under the government of Jusuf Habibie and parliament elects Abdurrahman Wahid as the new president
2000: The Cambodian Freedom Fighters (CFF) attack government buildings in Cambodia in a failed attempt to overthrow Hun Sen
2000: telecommunication tycoon Thaksin Shinawatra wins elections in Thailand, despite accusations of corruption
2000: Irian Jaya (western New Guinea) demand independence
2000: Muslim rebels in the Philippines (Abu Sayyaf) carry out kidnappings of foreigners
2000: A bomb planted by Islamic terrorists trained in Afghanistan kills 18 people in Jakarta, Indonesia
2000: Jafar Umar Thalib founds a radical Islamic organization, Laskar Jihad, to join in the persecution of Christians in the Moluccas with help from the military
2000: Members of the Indonesian army blow up a bomb in Jakarta that kills 15 people
2000: About 500 people die when a ferry sinks near Indonesia’s Maluku island
TM, ®, Copyright © 2005 Piero Scaruffi All rights reserved.
Dec 2000: Indonesian terrorists of Jemaah Islamiyah blow up a train in Manila (Philippines) killing 22 people
2001: Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of Sukarno, becomes the first democratically elected president of Indonesia
2001: Nong Duc Manh is chosen as new leader of the Vietnamese communist party
2001: Gloria Arroyo becomes president of the Philippines
2002: Hun Sen wins national elections in Cambodia
2002: in the Philippines, Muslim separatists set off a bomb in General Santos that kills 14 people
2002: Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is freed after 19 months of house arrest
2002: Indonesia recognizes the independence of East Timor that elects Xanana Gusmao president and Mari Alkatiri prime minister
May 2002: Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is freed after 19 months of house arrest
2002: a ferry sinks killing 470 people in Bangladesh
2002: Papua New Guinea and the Bougainville Revolutionary Army sign a peace agreement
Sep 2002: relatives of former Burmese dictator U Ne Win are sentenced to death by the military junta
Oct 2002: a bomb planted by Abu Bakar Bashir’s Jemaah Islamiyah and Al Qaeda operatives (led by Iman Sumudra and masterminded by Riduan Isamuddin Hambali and Malaysian bomb expert Azahari Husin) kills 182 people in a disco of Bali
May 2003: Indonesia launches Aceh offensive after peace talks with Aceh separatists (GAM) fail to end a 25-year old civil war that has cost 12,000 lives
October 2003: Malaysia’s prime minister Mahathir Mohamad steps down after 22 years in power and is replaced by his deputy, Abdullah Badawi
2003: the USA dispatches 1,700 soldiers to the Philippines, to help fight the Abu Sayyaf terrorists
2004: A suicide bomber of Abu Sayyaf blows up a ferry in the Philippines and kills 119 passangers
2004: Muslim separatists begin an insurrection in Thailand
2004: Indonesia’s first presidential elections
2004: Lee Hsien Loong succeeds Goh Chok Tong as prime minister of Singapore
2004: Burmese prime minister Khin Nyunt is forced to resign and is replaced by Gen Soe, a trusted deputy to the country’s top general Than Shwe
2004: Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono wins presidential elections in Indonesia
2004: Islamic cleric Abu Bakar Ba’asyir is tried for a number of terrorist attacks in Indonesia
2004: tsunamis caused by one of the strongest earthquakes in history (9.0 magnitude) kill thousands in Southeast Asia
2004: The USA and Singapore sign a free-trade treaty
2005: the Philippine army attacks the Islamic separatist group Abu Sayyaf in the island of Jolo, and Abu Sayyaf responds by detonating four bombs that kill seven people
2005: The population of Java is 124 million
2005: Bombs kill 11 people in Rangoon, Burma/Myanmar
2005: Vietnam’s prime minister Phan Van Khai visits the USA
2005: Aceh rebels surrend to the government of Indonesia
2005: bombs planted by Jemaah Islamiyah and Al Qaeda operatives kill 25 people in Bali, Indonesia
2006: general Sondhi Boonyaratkalin stages a coup against Thailand’s prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, accused of corruption
2006: Muslim separatists set off bombs in Bangkok, Thailand
2006: an Indonesian ferry sinks killing about 600 people
2006: Myanmar moves the capital to a newly-built city, Naypyidaw
2007: Fretilin’s support slips from 57% to to 29% in East Timor’s national elections
2007: Indonesia sues Suharto for having stolen half a billion dollars during his rule
2007: more than 20 Philippine soldiers are killed by Abu Sayyaf
2007: Crash of the stock markets worldwide, triggered by the crisis of USA sub-prime mortgage lenders
2007: Monks demonstrate in the streets of Yangoon, Myanmar, and the police kills 200 and arrests 6,000
2007: Samak Sundaravej, whose party supports ousted leader Thaksin Shinawatra, wins national elections
2007: Japan signs a free-trade agreement with ASEAN
2008: Crash of the stock markets worldwide, triggered by the collapse of USA banks
December 2008: mass protests by the “yellow shirts” force the government of Somchai Wongsawat to resign in Thailand and British born Abhisit Vejjajiva is appointed prime minister, causing the “red shirts” to start mass protests
December 2008: the village of Renokenongo is submerged after drilling causes the eruption of a mud volcano
December 2008: more than 50 people are killed in a fire that breaks out in a Bangkok nightclub
Apr 2009: Malaysia’s prime minister Abdullah Badawi is replaced by Najib Razak
Jan 2009: a ferry capsizes off Sulawesi (Indonesia) killing 250 people
Jun 2009: 3,700 people have died in southern Thailand because of the Muslim separatist movement since 2004
Jul 2009: Seven people are killed by two suicide bombers in two blasts at luxury hotels in the Indonesian capital Jakarta
Jul 2009: the USA accuses Burma/Myanmar of importing nuclear technology from North Korea
Oct 2009: Aceh in Indonesia introduces shariha law
Nov 2009: 57 people (supporters of Philippine politician Ismael Mangudadatu and opposed to Maguindanao’s governor) are massacred in the Philippines
Jan 2010: Muslims attack Christian churches in Malaysia
Feb 2010: Former general Thein Sein is appointed president, ending the 20-year old dictatorship of general Than Shwe
Apr 2010: 21 people die in anti-government protests by the “red shirt” movement in Thailand
Apr 2010: At least 20 people are killed by bombs in Yangoon, Burma
May 2010: Benigno Aquino wins national elections in the Philippines
May 2010: Indonesia uncovers a plot by Islamic terrorists to kill the president
Nov 2010: Myanmar/Burma’s dissident Suu Kyi is freed by the ruling junta
Nov 2010: Almost 400 people are killed in a stampede during a festival in Phnom Penh, Cambodia
Dec 2010: Singapore’s economy expands by 14.7% in 2010
Apr 2011: Border clashes between Thailand and Cambodia kill soldiers on both sides
Jun 2011: Vietnam and mainland China trade accusations over oil exploration in the South China Sea
Aug 2011: Yingluck Shinawatra is elected by Thailand’s parliament as the country’s first female prime minister
Aug 2011: The Philippines government holds peace talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in Kuala Lumpur after more than 150,000 people have been killed in 40 years of insurrection
Oct 2011: The world’s population is 7 billion
Jan 2012: Most of Myanmar’s political dissidents are released from jail
TM, ®, Copyright © 2011 Piero Scaruffi All rights reserved.

]]> https://mandirigma.org/?feed=rss2&p=1454 0 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1427 https://mandirigma.org/?p=1427#respond Thu, 09 Feb 2012 06:44:18 +0000 MO1 http://mandirigma.org/?p=1427